A History of Lawrence, by Rev. Richard Cordley.



Col. James Blood
First Mayor -- 1867.

A. D. Searle
First City Engineer.

Col. W. Collamoore
Mayor at the time of the Raid.

Dr. Alonzo Fuller
Acting Mayor after the Raid.


     The sack of Lawrence was followed by an unprecedented condition of affairs. The whole territory was in a confusion. The summer that followed was the most exciting that Kansas ever knew. First of all came what has been known as the Potawatomie massacre. The news of the attack on Lawrence reached Osawatomie the day it occurred and while it was still being prosecuted. Old John Brown at once assembled a company of about fifty men and started for that place. Before reaching Lawrence they learned the particulars of the assault and found they were too late to render assistance. Most of the men returned to their homes, but John Brown with a small band remained. Two days later occurred the terrible tragedy at Dutch Henry’s Crossing, which has never been satisfactorily explained, and which was quoted for years as the excuse for pro-slavery outrages without number. Other outrages followed on the other side and continued all summer. Captain Henry Clay Pate led a company of ruffians along the old Santa Fe trail, and robbed Black Jack and Palmyra and other places, and spread terror all about. Old John Brown, learning of his exploits, pounced upon him with a company of free-state men and captured the whole outfit. Then in turn, Colonel Sumner, with some United States troops, overhauled Brown and compelled him to release his prisoners. About the same time General Reid gathered about two hundred men in Missouri and marched through the border counties. He came to Osawatomie and let his ruffians loose there. They looted the town and finally burned it. Colonel Sumner approaching they withdrew and disappeared in Missouri. Bands of armed men of both parties moved here and there, each seeking to defend their own and to gain some advantage over the other. A number of so called battles were fought, but no great losses were sustained on either side. The men who were killed were usually attacked alone and murdered in cold blood. A drunken ruffian in Leavenworth made a bet that he would bring in the scalp of an abolitionist in less than two hours. He sallied out on the Lawrence road and met a Mr. Hoppe coming over from Lawrence in a carriage. He at once shot and scalped him, and bore the scalp into town on a pole amid the cheers of the crowds on the streets. An inoffensive German who expressed his horror at such brutality was shot dead. Mr. Hoppe was a brother-in-law of Rev. Ephraim Nute, pastor of the Unitarian Church of Lawrence, and he and his wife were visiting there. Mr. Nute gave a very vivid account of the affair and the general condition in a letter written a week later, August 22nd, to a friend in Massachusetts:

     "The horrors of ruffianism grow thicker and closer about us. My home has become a house of mourning. A brother-in-law came out to us and reached our house a week since with his wife, an own sister, of mine. On Monday last he started to return to Leavenworth, leaving his wife sick. That night he was shot within a few miles of Leavenworth, and his scalp exhibited in fiendish exultation in the town.

     "I have tried in vain to raise a body of men to go for the recovery of our brother’s remains, to give them a decent burial, and for his effects about his person, all his money, etc. I have taken my rifle and offered to be one of fifty to go. A sufficient number responded and had pledged to go the morning after the sad tidings reached us. But it was thought best to delay until we should get answer from the officer in command of the United States dragoons camped about ten miles from here, to whom we had applied for a force to go with us. It came at night, referring us to a superior force then on the way with several companies to join Pierce’s bloody officials at Lecompton. Twice have we sent, making the request of him for the protection of an escort to go with our teams to Leavenworth for provisions, and twice have been refused. There is not a single sack of flour or bushel of meal for sale in this vicinity, and we have at least two thousand men, women and children to be fed. What shall we do, what can we do, but fight our way through, with the desperation of men who know themselves surrounded by merciless savages. This we are determined to do. You will have a report of bloody work before this reaches you. It may be that nothing short of a massacre of the suffering people of Kansas will arouse this nation to a sense of the inconceivable wickedness of the men at the head of affairs. You may imagine the feelings with which I read the cold blooded sneers, the diabolical sport which is made of our sufferings in the Boston Post which I have just received. Are all the feelings of humanity, is all sense of decency dead in the minds of the men who uphold this infamous administration? Many of us have ceased to hope for anything but the foulest from the government. All that seems to be in store for us worth aspiring to is heroic martyrdom." * * *

     A few days later Mr. Nute and his sister and several others went over to Leavenworth to ascertain the facts in regard to the murder of Mr. Hoppe and bring home his effects. They were all taken prisoners by a band under command of Captain Emory. Mrs. Hoppe was not permitted even to visit the grave of her husband, but was put on board a steamboat and sent down the river to her friends in Illinois. Mr. Nute, Mr. Wilder, a merchant of Lawrence, and their companions, some fifteen in all, were imprisoned in Leavenworth, and were not allowed to go home for over two weeks. Other outrages were committed in other parts of the territory.

     A little earlier than this a political event had occured which increased the sense of unrest. On the Fourth of July the free-state legislature met at Topeka in Constitutional Hall. There had been rumors that they would be dispersed by federal troops. A free-state convention met at the same time to encourage the legislators, and as some thought to protect them if they were disturbed. As nothing of the kind was attempted, however, it was doubtful if there was any serious thought of such a thing. On the day of meeting Colonel E. Sumner appeared in Topeka with six hundred dragoons, and several pieces of artillery. As the hour of assembling drew near, the cannon were posted so as to sweep the street in front of the hall, and Colonel Sumner, with six hundred men, rode up in front of the building. He then went in and went forward to the speaker’s stand. He said it was a very painful duty, but it was his duty, to order them, in the name of the president of the United States, to disperse. The members quietly went out, and the troops quietly went home. Some one asked Colonel Sumner why he brought so large a force, and if he expected to need them. He said, "No, I brought them that I might not need them." The governor about this time issued a proclamation ordering all bodies of armed men to disband, and promising protection to all without regard to party. But as there was a general suspicion among free-state men that this was meant for only one side, they all kept their arms and kept up their organizations. Neither party paid any attention to the proclamation, except as United States troops compelled compliance. The result of it all was that matters grew worse instead of better, and the excitement increased instead of subsiding.

     The whole country shared the excitement, for the whole nation was interested in the result of the conflict. Other events tended to intensify the common feeling. The day before the sacking of Lawrence Senator Charles Sumner made his great speech in the United States senate on the "Crime against Kansas." It was a terrible indictment of the national administration for its policy and the results of it. The day following, May 22nd, Preston S. Brooks struck him down with a cane, as he sat in his seat in the senate chamber. His act seemed to be but an echo of what was going on in Kansas at the same time. The whole country was in a blaze of indignation, and Kansas was the center towards which all eyes were turned. The whole North seemed to rise at once determined that Kansas should be free. There was but one way to make her free, and that was to settle the territory with free-state men. From all sections, and of all classes, immigrants moved towards Kansas. The farmer left his farm, the merchant left his store, the professional man left his office, at the impulse of an idea that had taken hold of his soul.

They left the plowshare in the mould,
The sheep and herd without a fold.   
The cattle in the unshorn grain,        
The corn half garnered on the plain."

College students, just graduated, or before graduation, turned their back on the literary life they had chosen, or the .professional life to which they were looking, and went to Kansas at the call of freedom. They came often without any definite idea as to what they were to do or how they were to make a living. That was entirely a secondary consideration. But they had a very decided idea as to what kind of a state Kansas must be. It was no uncommon thing to find college graduates driving an ox team through the streets of Lawrence, or cutting timber by the river, or living in some lonely shanty or dug-out

"Far out upon the prairie."

     Not in towns alone, but on claims all around, you would find the same class of people. In the loneliest cabins in the most out of the way place, you might find men who could talk to you intelligently of the latest scientific theory, or discuss the latest novel. And they did not come as adventurers to see how they would like it. But they came to stay and see the thing done. Whether they made a farm or not, whether they made a living or not, they proposed to make Kansas free. They came possessed of an idea, and they intended to make that idea effective. As a rule they were peaceable men who did not come to fight. But they were made of the stuff of which all heroes are made, and when they were compelled to fight, it was a sorry day for "the other fellow." There were rough and turbulent characters among them, and rash things and wrong things were done by them. But the great mass of free-state settlers came with honest intent to make Kansas a free state.

     The pro-slavery people endeavered to meet this great uprising at the North by a counter-movement. The Missouri river had been the great highway to Kansas. There was no railroad, and the overland trip was long and tedious. The bulk of immigration came by way of the river. The Missourians determined to blockade the river, and thus stem the tide that was becoming irresistable. They thus expected to put a stop to free-state immigration to Kansas. Steamboats coming up the river were stopped and overhauled, usually with the connivance of the captain. If the captain objected it did not make any difference. Free-state passengers were taken off and sent back by the next down boat. The overland route was also blocaded (sic), and the highways through Missouri were patrolled, and intending immigrants going overland were turned back.

     As soon as this decision was known at the north it produced great consternation, as well as great indignation. It seemed as if the enemy had the key to the situation, and the rest of the country was helpless. But the discouragement did not last long. "Where there is a will there is a way." Here there were a good many wills, and they soon found there were more than one way. The Missourians did not own the earth. The blockade only turned the tide northward. The stream could not be stopped. They might as well try to stop the flow of the "Big Muddy" itself, as to stop the determined purpose of the north. Hindrances only stimulated it to more vigorous effort. A way was opened through Iowa and Nebraska, and the stream soon began to flow in a torrent along the new channel. Companies of two and three hundred strong made their way by this slow and circuitous route. It took longer but "they got there," in more ways than one. Everything that could be done to annoy and hinder was done. But it all stimulated the movement. The very attempt to stop the tide only increased its force and volume. Among these annoyances, these companies were accused of coming with hostile intent, and not as bona fide immigrants. The various companies were therefore met at the northern border of the territory by a force of United States troops and put under arrest. One writer who was with a company of some three hundred described their experiences. "When we came to the Kansas line we were met by the United States marshal and three hundred United States cavalry and put under arrest. The next day they marched us twenty-seven miles under a heavy guard. The next day, being Sunday, they marched us fifteen miles and camped on Straight creek, where in the evening we had religious services. On Monday morning we resumed our march and continued for two days when we came to the Kansas river not far from Topeka. Here we were met by the governor, and he being satisfied at our peaceful intentions set us all at liberty, and we went our various ways."

     Thus the very efforts made to hinder really helped the cause. The more the way of the immigrants was blocked, the thicker and faster they came. The harder the journey the more eager people were to make it. Every outrage only stirred the popular mind more deeply, and made the common determination more strong. Every free-state man killed brought a score to fill this place. If the arguments of free-state speakers failed to move, the excesses of their opponents could not fail. It may truly be said that Kansas was made a free state by the excesses and outrages of those who sought to make it a slave state.

     The bearing of all this on the history of Lawrence will be readily seen. Lawrence was the focus of the fight. The troubles she endured were a part of. the general condition. She was the center of free-state operations, and consequently the center of pro-slavery hate and pro-slavery plots. She might be called the capital of the free-state party. The free-state party was more than a political organization. It was essentially a sort of second "body politic." It had a settled policy of its own, a sort of intangible organization that was effective for combined effort, but which could not be located. It had its soldiers and its officers, its arms and its unwritten laws. Its settled policy was to avoid conflict if possible, but to be prepared for defense. Its main point was to hold the ground until the preponderance of free-state immigration should settle the question at issue. It was a very shrewd policy and very difficult to maintain, but it was maintained with marvelous consistency.

     After the judicial sacking of the town on the twenty-first of May, Lawrence was in a very depressed condition. Many of the people felt humiliated at the thought of having allowed such an outrage without even a show of resistance. According to the common agreement they just stood by and looked on, as the hotel and printing offices were destroyed and the town robbed. They were compelled to look on as all this was done; and also to endure the insults of the overbearing miscreants who exulted in their work, and called the citizens a pack of "cowardly Yankees." This was doubtless the wisest policy they could have chosen, but the situation was very galling. Their foes would have been delighted if they could have provoked them to resistance, and a good deal of their insolence and ostentation were for the purpose of goading them beyond endurance. Had the citizens resisted, even if they had been able to drive the marauders out of town, they would have been charged with resisting officers, and a new batch of indictments would have been issued, and a larger posse would have been secured. As it was, the ruffians were guilty of an unprovoked outrage, and had put themselves in the position of law-breakers, while professing to enforce law.

     The feeling of depression was very general. The people knew not what next might come. They were not as well organized as they had been at the time of the Wakarusa war. Their trusted leaders were gone. Robinson was in prison near Lecompton. Many of their ablest citizens were in prison with him. Lane was out of the territory to avoid arrest. A great many others had left to escape indictment. Their leading men in prison, or fleeing from indictments, their beautiful hotel in ruins, their printing presses scattered, their houses broken into and robbed, and no law or courts to which they could appeal for redress, it was not strange that a spirit of despondency should settle over the community.

S. Y. Lum
S. Y. LUM,
Preached first sermon.

Rev. Wm. Bishop
First Pastor of Presbyterian Church.

Rev. Richard Cordley
Pastor of Congregational Church.

Rev. Charles Reynolds
First Rector of Episcopal Church.


     The troubles all over the territory found their focus in Lawrence. Bands of pro-slavery men roved about making travel dangerous and putting life in constant peril. Lawrence became invested by a system of forts, or block houses, where bands of pro-slavery men were housed, and from which they sallied on expeditions of plunder or revenge. One of these so-called forts was at Franklin, four miles east of Lawrence. Another, Fort Saunders, was on Washington creek, twelve miles southwest. A third was near Lecompton and was called Fort Titus. These forts were simply log houses, with port-holes for guns, and supplied with provisions and ammunition, and. prepared for defense or siege. These three strong hold practically cut off Lawrence from help and from supplies. So close was the investment at one time, that provisions became very scarce, and there was danger of a famine from the fact that it was not possible to bring in supplies. The garrisons in these forts were continually committing depredations, waylaying travelers and robbing farms and slaughtering cattle. By August the situation in Lawrence was becoming unendurable, and they began to devise plans of relief.

     August 12th Major S. D. Hoyt, a citizen of Lawrence, went to Fort Saunders to confer as to terms of peace, that both parties might cease their depredations. He was kindly received, but on his return two men accompanied him, and as soon as they came to a lonely spot they shot Hoyt dead, and left him half buried. This brutal murder so enraged the people of Lawrence, that they laid plans for the immediate reduction of these strongholds. They began with Franklin. This had always been a pestilent place. In the Wakarusa war it was the headquarters of the invading army. It was a pro-slavery settlement and the feeling towards Lawrence had been very bitter from the first. In June the free-state men had tried to reduce the place. They had attacked in the night and wasted no end of ammunition. But bullets had little effect on the heavy logs of which the fort was built. At daybreak they withdrew, leaving things pretty much as they were. But this time they had a stronger force, and a stronger provocation. The fort consisted of a block house, with a log house on either side. The free-state men made a night attack again, and began firing as before. They lay upon their faces, shielding their heads behind fences, humps of dirt, or anything that afforded a friendly shelter from the enemy’s bullets. I heard one of these improvised soldiers tell his experience. He had been brought up a quaker, but the Kansas outrages had so stirred his blood that he fell from grace so far as to carry a musket with the boys. When they came to their position, he lay down behind a fence post. At the command to fire he emptied his gun in the direction of the fort, but he said the enemy’s bullets so pelted the ground about him, that he could not reload without running the risk of catching one of them. He lay still therefore. He said the bullets struck all around him, and threw the dirt in his face, and splintered his protecting fence poast (sic), but spared his head. He said "It was the most careless shooting I ever witnessed." Whether the rest of the soldiers reserved their fire as this prudent young man did we are not advised. Whether they did or not there was little effect produced by the firing on either side. The garrison defied them. But they had underrated the resources of Yankee ingenuity. A load of hay stood in the street not far away. This they pushed towards the block house, and set fire to it. As the blazing load of hay came up against the logs, the inmates became panic stricken and cried for mercy. The free-state men then took possession, destroyed the fort, and carried off the arms and stores found therein. Among the arms was a cannon which was just the thing they needed to reduce the other forts. The only cannon the free-state men possessed had been surrendered at the sacking of Lawrence in May. One point in attacking Franklin first was to secure this cannon for use against the other forts.

     The success at Franklin inspired the free-state men with increased zeal, and they began to gather from various quarters until three or four hundred men were in camp. The next point was Fort Saunders on Washington creek. They had a cannon now and could do more effective work in battering down walls. But they had no cannon balls. The piece was turned over to Captain Bickerton, the man who was so successful in bringing a cannon from Kansas City the autumn before. The first thing was to secure balls. Now the type of the two newspapers were put to a new use. In the sacking of the town in May the type had been scattered, many of them melted in the burning buildings. Captain Bickerton and his men gathered up the type and the type metal and molded them into balls for the cannon. Every time one was fired into the ruffians’ stronghold the soldiers would shout, "Another issue of the Herald of Freedom."

     When all was ready they proceeded against Fort Saunders. The refugees from Franklin had reinforced the garrison. The free-state men were under the command of Captains Shombre, Walker, Cracklin, Bickerton and others. While waiting, scouts found the body of Hoyt who had been murdered a few days before, and whose murder was the immediate cause of the attack. This so enraged the men that they insisted on moving at once. The officers had favored delay, but the men would not be restrained. The whole body marched forward at two o’clock on the afternoon of the 15th of August. The garrison fled before the troops reached the fort, leaving their guns and stores for the visitors. They also found near the fort the horse of the murdered Hoyt.

     The next day they turned their attention to Fort Titus. They moved in this more speedily, as Titus and his men had been committing depredations in the neighborhood, which had exasperated the free-state men, and induced them to attempt the immediate destruction of the fort. Fort Titus was about two miles from Lecompton. It consisted of Colonel Titus’ log house put in shape for defense. Here a number of pro-slavery desperadoes made their headquarters, and from this they were in the habit of sallying forth to harrass free-state men, and ravage the country. When pursued they fled to "the fort," and were safe from any ordinary attack. It was the strongest and most annoying of the three forts by which Lawrence had been invested. It was only two miles from Lecompton, which was the territorial capital, and the headquarters of pro-slavery operations. They could always rely on the support of their "friends" at the capital. Besides this it was only a mile from the camp where the free-state prisoners were kept. This camp was in charge of a company of United States soldiers under the command of Major John Sedgwick. The soldiers were there at the request, of the governor, and were under orders from the territorial officials. These officials had a very peculiar way of making use of the soldiers. When pro-slavery men committed depredations the authorities at Lecompton could never get any "official" information in time to interfere. But whenever free-state men were moved to retaliate, the information came quickly and was always "official." Then a squad of troops would be ordered to go to the scene of disturbance and "preserve order." Colonel Titus had felt secure in the presence of these troops, who could reach him in a few minutes in case of attack. But his own movements and outrages were never reported in time to allow any intervention. Major Sedgwick was a soldier, and an honorable man, and he and his men had become very much disgusted with the one-sided way in which things were managed, and especially indignant at the part they were compelled to play. Major Sedgwick had also become thoroughly incensed at the insolence and outrages of Colonel Titus and his gang. Being a soldier under orders he could do nothing directly, but when he learned that the free-state men were about to take the thing in hand, and clean out the pestilent gang, he quietly told Captain Walker a few days before, that if "they wanted to gobble up old Titus and would do it quickly, he did not think he should be able to get over in time to hinder him."

     Colonel Titus was from Florida. He was a typical border ruffian. In the pictures of him that have come down to us he is represented as a short, thick-set man, in his shirt sleves, with a broad-brim slouch hat, and his pants stuck in his boots. He was a swaggering, blustering blatherskite, whose insolence was more offensive than his sword. He was a thick-necked, coarse-grained bully, and of course a miserable coward when it came to the test. He had established his fort at his house in order to harrass and annoy free-state people. He had gathered about him a gang like himself, and had been the terror of that whole region for months.

     The free-state forces were now under the command of Captain Samuel Walker, as brave a man as ever lived, a man cool in counsel and wise in action. He came to be the trusted leader of the free-state men, not only on account of his skill, but because they could trust his prudence, and were always sure he would make no rash or doubtful move. He came to Kansas early in 1854 on a tour of inspection. In 1855 he returned bringing a large colony of immigrants from Ohio who settled in the territory. He himself took a claim seven miles west of Lawrence, where he lived until he moved into Lawrence itself. His claim was not very far from Fort Titus, and soon after he had located his claim this same Colonel Titus called on him and notified him that "all these nigger stealers must get out of the country." He gave him two weeks to make his exit. The next day Captain Walker called his neighbors together, and they organized themselves into a military company which they called the "Bloomington Guards." The pro-slavery plan was to drive settlers off one by one. This organization was made that they might sustain each other. The order of Titus was not enforced. This company of Bloomington Guards had eighty-six members, and they were all of the kind that are not frightened by bluster. All this drew upon Walker the special dislike of Titus. He did not attack him, but he endeavored to induce others to do so. He had printed a large hand-bill in which he offered five hundred dollars for the head of Samuel Walker, "on or off his shoulders." This hand-bill was posted up in various places with the evident intent of inducing some madcap to assasinate Walker. It was very natural, and very fitting that Captain Walker should lead the attack on Titus’ fort.

     This attack was made August 16th. The forces which operated against Fort Saunders August 15th moved towards Lecompton during the night and camped a short distance from the fort. Early in the morning Captain Henry J. Shombre started in advance of the main body with a company of cavalry, in order to surprise the fort. In the course of the attack Captain Shombre was shot and mortally wounded. Captain Shombre had only been in Kansas about three weeks. He came fom Indiana, where he had raised a company of brave young men to come and help in the Kansas struggle. He joined Lane’s party of immigrants in Iowa and came with them. He reached Topeka August 13th. Hearing of the troubles at Lawrence he started at once with his men and was present at the capture of Fort Saunders the day before his death. He was one of the finest and bravest young men that ever came to the territory, and even in the few days he was among them he won the affection and esteem of the free-state people.

     After their leader fell Captain Shombre’s men retired and waited till the main body had come up. When they came up they were so posted as to prevent the escape of the inmates of the fort. Firing then commenced and the men inside responded in a lively way. But the bullets of the assailants buried themselves in the logs of the fort and had no other effect. After a little the cannon captured at Franklin was brought into use by Captain Bickerton, and balls and slugs made from the type and printing presses of the Herald of Freedom were poured into the old building.. This put a new face on the affair, and a few minutes after a white flag appeared, and the garrison of some seventeen men surrendered. Colonel Titus crawled out of his den, coatless and covered with blood. He had received two wounds, one in his hand and the other in his shoulder. He came out as meek and cringing as he had formerly been insolent. He begged piteously for his life. He had been such a terror to the whole country that the men in the free-state army had determined to kill him. Many of them had suffered from his insolence and cruelty. He appealed to Captain Walker to save him. "You have children; so have I; for God’s sake, save my life!" Right before them was one of those hand-bills, offering five hundred dollars for Walker’s head "on or off his shoulders." Walker saw it plastered on the walls of the cabin while he was talking to him. But Walker was as chivalrous as he was brave, and would not strike a fallen foe. Some of his men had been so wrought up by the outrages Titus had committed that it was not easy to restrain them. But Walker insisted that they must not touch him, and no man raised his gun.

     The casualties of this battle were not numerous. Two of Titus’ men were killed and two wounded, and one free-state man was killed and six wounded. The prisoners were taken to Lawrence and held as "prisoners of war."

     The next morning Governor Shannon, Major John Sedgwick, and Dr. A. Rodrique, postmaster at Lecompton, went to Lawrence to arrange terms of peace and secure the liberation of Titus and his men. A correspondent of an eastern paper gives an account of this remarkable incident:

     "Another Sunday morning treaty with Shannon. Governor Shannon, Dr. A. Rodrique, postmaster, and Major Sedgwick have just arrived from Lecompton. It is supposed that they have come to demand the prisoners. They are now closeted with the officers of the free-state forces. They cannot have the prisoners without giving the free-state party an equivalent.

     "Later: -- A treaty has been made, and Governor Shannon, after some opposition, has been permitted to state what it is, and to make a short speech. He said he should leave us, and he wanted to leave the territory with the people feeling better towards him, and in a quiet state, to his successor. He glorified the union and thought we had a glorious country.

     "The terms of the treaty are substantially as follows:

   1.  That they shall give up to the charge of Major Sedgwick. and in good condition, subject to the order of Captain Walker, the howitzer so valiantly surrendered to Sheriff Jones the 21st of May.
   "2.  That the prisoners then held in custody at Lecompton, those arrested by Squire Crane for being connected with the battle of Franklin, shall be released and brought safely to Lawrence.
   "3  That all arms taken from these and other prisoners shall be given up.
     "4.   That the territorial authorities should use their power to break up these bands of plunderers and drive them from the territory.

     "In consideration of this the free-state men were to deliver up their prisoners. They even demanded the cannon taken at Franklin. Major Sedgwick had nothing to do with the negotiations, any further than to say to Shannon that it was his duty to make an unconditional demand for the prisoners. The Franklin prisoners held at Lecompton were arrested under legal process, as they term it, yet they agreed to deliver them up. What right Governor Shannon and Dr. Aristides Rodrique had to do this perhaps a Philadelphia lawyer can tell; we can’t."

Dr. S. B. Prentiss
Chairman First School Committee.

Dr. Albert Newman
Secretary First School Committee.

Lathrop Bullene
President of First Board of Education.

Chas. L. Edwards
Principal of First High School.


     After the treaty, when Governor Shannon desired to talk to the people, there was a general growl of opposition. They felt that he was responsible for their troubles, and they had suffered so much that they were greatly embittered. When the governor proposed to speak they gave a yell which drowned his voice. They were in an ugly frame of mind and the situation was alarming. Captain Walker saw the danger, and drawing his revolver he rushed in front of the crowd and shouted, "I am with you, boys, but the governor shall not be insulted." After that everything was quiet and the governor made his speech, in substance as follows:

     FELLOW CITIZENS.-- I appear before you under very extraordinary circumstances, and I ask your attention to a few remarks in relation to them. I came down here today for the purpose of adjusting these difficulties, and I regret as much as any man can the existence of these difficulties. I wish to set myself right before the people of Lawrence. I have been misrepresented through the press, and my motives have either been misunder- stood or purposely aspersed, and things have been said of me which never happened. I desire now to say while I remain in office, that I have never done a single act but what I believed would best subserve the interests of the whole people. God knows I have no ill-feeling against any man in the territory.
     "I am sorry blood has been shed here. In the revolution our fathers from both the North and South fought and bled together, for the same common cause, the cause of liberty, and the result was a glorious triumph, and the security to themselves and their posterity of their inalienable rights. So it was in the war of 1812; so it was in the war with Mexico, and each time the stars and stripes floated over a conquered nation. Shall we steep our hands in our brother’s blood?"

     Here were cries from the crowd, "Give us back Barber and others that have been murdered."    "Order!"    "Order!"     ‘‘Law and order!"    "Don’t insult the governor."    "Go on."    The governor resumed when quiet was restored:

     "I came here for the purpose of peace, to try and adjust a serious difficulty between the people now in the territory. In a few days my successor will be among the people of this territory, and I desire now to say that the few days that remain of my continuance in office will be devoted to the furtherance of peace and harmony, and to carry out the terms of the agreement which will be the final settlement of all strife."

     "Let us hear the agreement," a voice cried.    "I do not understand the terms."    "Let us hear the terms."    " Order!"    "Order!"    "Law and order!"    After quiet was again restored, the governor stated the terms of the agreement, and concluded:

     "Fellow citizens of Lawrence, before leaving you I desire to express my earnest desire for your health, happiness, and prosperity.    Farewell."

     This treaty was one of the most remarkable ever made, not in its terms, but in the parties between whom it was made. A great nation, in the person of Governor Shannon, makes a treaty of peace with a committee of citizens, stipulating for an exchange of prisoners and captured property, and a mutual cessation of hostilities. The governor agreed to surrender the cannon captured at the sacking of Lawrence, and the prisoners held for participating in the various conflicts, and the free-state men agreed to surrender Titus and his men.

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