OUR SENIOR has made his bow, beaver in hand, defining his position politically. [2] Now friends, here's our sun-bonnet, and as for our positions, political or social, we simply pledge ourself for the future by the past, to speak for what we regard as truth and right, in the love of them and of our neighbor, and trust God for the result. We confess, that, from our own standpoint of observation, we have come to feel the deeper interest in the social structure, as underlying and determining the character and stability of our political institutions. With intemperance, ignorance and idleness, lounging in and about our homes and public houses, what better can we expect than misrule and lawlessness in "the Powers that be?" As individuals, we must, one and all, labor to promote intelligence and virtue in our neighborhood relations, and loving freedom, lay broad and deep its foundations in the great social heart.

     "I'm a free mon;" "I'm a free mon," was the exclamation of an Irishman at the recent municipal election at Leavenworth, and throwing up his well-worn cap, he added—significant words—"I hav'nt had a chance to be free mon before."

     This honest-hearted Irishman had probably never heard Pollok's definition—"He is the Freeman whom the Truth makes free."

     But he did his duty for truth and right when he "had a chance," and thus won the right to rejoice, as he did, in the result, and hurra for the triumph of his ticket. To be a free-man, or a free-woman, in a legal sense even, is a glorious estate. To be free in a political sense is more desirable still. Our fathers felt thus, when they perilled their fortunes and lives for civil freedom.— Our mothers, when they blessed their sons, and bade them face the cannon's mouth for it.

     But to be free morally—unfettered intellectually, is immeasurably better worth the devotion of our entire energies for a life time. As a people, civil freedom is our most precious treasure, our noblest aim. As individual members of young and growing communities, to hold ourselves free in the truth, is of still higher moment, since the best Governments, while they guard, are but representatives of the aggregate virtue and intelligence of the people;—they follow, but never lead, the popular sentiment.

     As a people we claim the right of self-government, and are justly indignant at a usurpation which attempts to govern us by laws made for us, not by us. The people that submits to be governed by Legislatures and laws, from the making of which they have been excluded—we call an enslaved people. Our national Declaration of Rights presents them as such. Our position as a people at the present writing, is one of earnest protest against this usurpation, and also of firm determination to resist its demands. This is as it should be. But there is a tyranny more to be feared, because radical in its effects, and insidious in its operations. It is the tyranny of ignorance and prejudice (mother and child,) born of exploded and exploded despotisms. Protesting and battling against these, we may take the nobler stand individually, and maintaining it socially, dig deep the foundations of popular freedom.

     The measure of success ultimately in securing the right of self-government to all "who have an evident common interest in the institutions under which we live," depends mainly upon the educating of all such up to a just appreciation of the virtue and intelligence, which "perpetuate free institutions," by making the exercise of the right of self-government, an unqualified blessing.

     "The perpetuity of free institutions depends upon the virtue and intelligence of a people," and "He is the Freeman whom the truth makes free," are declarations alike involving the momentous truth, that to know what is right or true in principle, and live it, is to be free,—free as an individual, free as a people.

     May it never be said of the people of Kanzas—of the citizens of Quindaro, [3]—either politically or socially,—"Ye knew your duty, but ye did it not?"

     New friends, old friends, we pledge you our hand, with our heart in it, for earnest work wherever the interests of our own or other mother's sons and daughters are involved in the threatened ill or promised good.

     When I left the East to return to my Kansas home, I was persuaded into numerous promises to write back my impressions and observations of the present conditions of the Territory,—its prospects in the immediate future, and the social and political heart throbbings of the people. I delayed to reply to these queries until I could visit several important localities and communicate with intelligent residents of other settlements. From data thus gathered, I can speak satisfactorily to myself, of the social conditions and prospects of the Territory. But of the immediate future politically, everything now, is waiting for "the Powers that be," to make the first move.— One fact is apparent to every person,—whether for or against free Kansas—who mingles freely with our people, viz: their confidence in ultimate success on the one hand, and on the other, the quiet watching—while they build and invest and improve—that bespeaks conscious readiness for whatever looms in the horizon. The impression is general, of an entire population "up and doing," evidently "with a heart for any fate." Expecting nothing from the Government, they are still open-hearted to any just consideration of their rights or wrongs. Determined to achieve their freedom, they are coolly looking to seize upon the happiest means for themselves and country, to vindicate their intelligent adherence to, and support of "law and order." Such is evidently the position of the people, without distinction of sex or class—for in truth there are but two parties in Kansas, politically considered—the actual residents or people of Kansas, and the office holders and seekers. Here, as in New England, the line draws directly between the people and the hangers-on of Government and its pass-feeders.

     Socially considered, Kansas is in a condition of remarkable prosperity.—When I speak of its prosperity, as remarkable, I take into account, the unparalleled obstacles that have impeded, and which must, with less of wisdom, perseverance and courage, have utterly depopulated the Territory of its best inhabitants. Indeed, I have arrived at the conclusion, that Kanzas is richer to-day in purse, as well as stronger politically, for what she has suffered in the past. Trial has developed the capacity of the people to endure, and directed and schooled their energies to do. The struggle for existence has taught them what are the actual necessaries of life, and the result is a wiser application of means, juster estimates of the good and ill of life.

     Had the emigrants been allowed to make homes and improve their condition quietly, fewer eyes would have been turned upon the Territory, and probably many years would have slipped away, before its advantages would have been as generally known as they now are. But the driving out policy reminds me of a certain vender of unappreciated goods;—he hired men to travel the country, labelled with the names of his goods, while his traveling advertisers furnished the glowing details, and thus won him trade among men who would not have read his advertisements even if they "took the papers." Not a man was driven from the Territory, that did not advertise it most effectually: not a pen was tempted from its rest by galling outrages, that did not draw scores of true hearts and skillful hands to share the wealth and the dangers of the Territory, by the glowing descriptions of soil, climate and face of the country with which it ended its communications.

     The invasions and outrages that brought the inhabitants to the verge of starvation, thus drew hither men of nerve and men of means, and while money "is tight" in the States, it is abundant here; and the inhabitants who have been obliged to sell their unpre-empted claims, in order to raise means to put bread into the soil, have sold for prices, cash down, enabling them to locate again to equal, if not better advantage. The reason of this is apparent. New comers, who have means, are ready to buy improvements which promise them a comfortable beginning; while those who have made such beginnings, have become inured to the privations on the one hand, and on the other have acquired an experience and knowledge of the country, enabling them to invest their means with increased economy and profit. Thus both buyer and seller are gainers pecuniarily, the buyer reaping a rich reward in his first crop, with the moral certainty of a still richer reward in the no distant future.

     The settlers, generally, so far as I have seen and learned through reliable sources, are enjoying a good degree of domestic comfort, or what they, with the memory of past privations still fresh, call comfort. Friends at the East, whose ready aid did so much to soften the privations of these pioneers, during the past winter, if they could visit a single settlement outside of Lawrence, would have little need to ask if their bounty was needed, or received. If enjoying the hospitality of the cabin home, you were to inquire where did you procure your tea, coffee, sugar, &c., the reply would most likely be, "it is charity-tea" &c. If your attention were arrested, as it surely would be, by the unusual variety in dress,—the fashions of town and country, and States, widely separated, having met, as if at a fancy ball, or fete, a la costume—ask, and your wonder will be settled by the reply, they are "charity garments."

     I have passed from city to country assemblies direct, from villages, that follow carefully in the fresh foot-prints of Fashion, to the "hill towns," and "back country," where comfort and economy laugh at her frequent changes and queer conceits; but it is a very different thing to see all the varieties of costume, worn in different and distant locations exhibited in the same neighborhood, almost in the same family. There is a queer mingling of the grotesque with the becoming. But the errand on which they were sent, had sped; there was warmth and roomy comfort in them all:—I ought perhaps, as a sly hint to ladies, who regard such things as among the necessaries of their existence, to except certain embroidered kerchiefs and collars, which filled the shivering, hungry women of Kansas with amazement. Perhaps though the donors sent their own and went without—those of a later fashion!

     "If you don't vote you will have a slavery constitution, and if you won't vote you ought to have; good enough for you!" Such was the indignant remark of a friend of ours East, a close and thorough reader of all the leading papers, speeches, congressional proceedings, &c. We have recently received a communication of inquiry and remonstrance from another eminent republican to the same effect.

     It seems impossible to make even intelligent men in the States, comprehend the exact position of the Free State men of Kanzas, in their relations to "the powers that" claim "to be." We have stated facts, and argued in vain with those distant friends of Free Kanzas; but we will try, once more, to show what is an insurmountable obstacle in the way of a fair expression of opinion at the ballot-box, aside from all objections on principle. [6]

     "Why don't the Free State men go to the polls and vote? If they are in the majority, as claimed and believed, they can, by so doing, take the action of the Convention into their own hands, and thus settle the whole matter?" Yes, why don't they? Because the Powers that claim to be, have made conditions, or qualifications, which cut off nine in ten, if not nineteen in twenty, of the Free State men who are actual residents, not registering their names as such. "Why don't they get their names registered?" Yes, travel long distances to get it done, and then be left out of the accepted list. The census takers have entirely neglected whole counties, (or rather none have been appointed,) and those the most densely populated. And where Free State men have given in their names, at their own expense, not one in twenty has been permitted to remain on the list of accepted voters. [7] In Quindaro three, out of some three hundred residents, are registered as qualified voters, and yet here are numbers who have lived in the Territory two and three years. Now if those vote[rs] who are registered, and acknowledged by Bogus authority, and none others will be permitted to, the Free State party acts in a minority, and to no earthly end, but to legalize the forming of a Slave State, and endorse the fraudulent census, which disfranchises a majority of the bona fide residents of the Territory.

     The condition or qualification—registration—which, by a fraudulent application is made to disfranchise the great majority of the Free State men of Kanzas, is just as effective, as if it were a natural one, since it will be rigidly enforced by the recognized authorities.

     But let not the friends of Free Kanzas be dismayed. The Freemen of Kanzas, at most, but bide their time. In future elections, where the conditions which prevent them from voting in this, do not exist, the Free State men of Kanzas can right their wrongs. And defeated in their previous legitimate attempts, no consideration will restrain them, when the power to vote is theirs. There are many of our best men who would have the present Free State organization put into immediate working order, and we sympathize in their views; theirs is, in our opinion, the noblest plan of action as well as constitutional and practicable. But, failing to bring the available force of the party to sustain the independent organization, these will doubtless fall back upon succeeding elections to secure their rights as freemen.

     Our people are now in convention at Topeka, to determine what shall be their line of action or of policy. [8] Our Senior (not in years) has gone there as delegate, and we anticipate a rich report of proceedings in time for our present issue. [9]

     Good morning, sister housekeepers! It is a Monday morning; one of those bright Monday mornings, that in our Eastern homes used to bring out the piles of soiled linen, the wash-tubs, big kettles, sparkling spring water, and bustling importance of the energetic housekeeper.

     And have we not heard gentlemen authors, editors, and husbands abuse this blessed day, as if it were a foretaste of that "judgment to come," when the soiled soul should be arraigned and stand with no such grateful appliances for purification? Indeed we have. But our word for it, the bachelors and Benedicts of a new country, like this, will soon learn to think with becoming respect, of the good old washing days, when they had no care but to "put their things into the wash" and got their dickies and socks done up without sweating their own brows "fetching water," or paying ten cents or a "bit" apiece to escape participation in the labor.

     And would not our housekeepers, who have been subjected, for a few weeks, to the inconveniences of homes, involving increased needs for washing-duty—be delighted to meet the old time washing-day with its spring at the door, or pump in the wash-room, big arch kettle, wash-benches, tubs, pounding barrel, soft-soap and Yankee wash-board, with the nice clothes-line and bars? Ah, yes, sisters, and as we have shared richly in the experience of these changed conditions of Monday's toil, it is in perfect keeping for us to repeat the lesson we have learned, in a few comforting suggestions on the disciplinary elements of washing-day.

     But first let us confess, that our present train of thought was suggested by a sermon we heard Sabbath morning, on "the disciplinary elements of Christianity," in which the speaker wisely recognised Christian discipline, as the foundation of all human excellence.

     Are we irreverent in thus associating divine truths with washing-day duties? For ourself, gentle reader, we have no respect for a religion that worships in High places only. Six sevenths of our time has the all-Father given us, to pursue the avocations that lay the foundations and create the conditions of temporal prosperity. These avocations from the kitchen to the National Cabinet must be prosecuted with grateful reference to God, and a tender consideration for all the human interests involved, or we, as individuals, fail of that Christian discipline, without which we can neither worship God, nor properly respect ourselves. We have no respect whatever, for a Christianity, that turns up its sacred nose at a wash-tub, or desecrates the lowly altars of toil to a hard-favored humanity.

     Wherever the worker worships through his toil, both himself and his calling are elevated above princes and palaces, that know not God and love not man. One of the most efficient preachers of the Gospel we ever heard, was a plain old washerwoman, an every day Christian, whose wash-bench was her desk, and her very pounding-barrel a reproof to all unrighteousness. Her cheerful industry brought sunshine, wherever she came and when any attempt was made to persuade her from her arduous and ungrateful sphere of labor, her unvarying reply was replete with the sustaining power and conscious dignity of a Christian life, "be it ever so lowly"—"cleanliness is next to Godliness." The old lady had quarried from the same vein of practical Christianity, as Henry Ward Beecher, [11] when he exclaimed, "There is more Gospel in a loaf of bread, than a dry sermon, for the starving poor."

     There is true Christian wisdom in applying ourselves to the creation and preservation of those temporal conditions of the body, which are most congenial to the Christian spirit. Neither grown persons or children are, in the main, as amiable, self-possessed, and accessible to good impressions, when dirt and hunger goad them into conscious discomfort.

     Indeed, we have often seen persons in such conditions lose their self-control, and exhibit irritability, and want of consideration for others, who were habitually cheerful, pains-taking, and considerate, in the tidy garb and cleanly surroundings necessary to their sense of comfort. But the indulgence of such feelings, is not "enduring as good soldiers;" is, indeed, a criminal poisoning of the springs of human happiness. All these seemingly untoward conditions of life, when necessarily incurred, offer us the noblest compensations, furnishing the happiest occasions for the acquisition of that power of cheerful adaptation to circumstances, which is the fruit of a truly Christian discipline, and qualifying us for a higher appreciation and keener enjoyment of blessings, when restored. Thus from temporary ills we win permanent good, and learn a lesson of life-long use—that true riches consist not in what we have, but in what we enjoy.

     Such, sister Housekeepers, are the truths, that, like Aarons and Hurs, bear up our hands on a washing-day, which brings with it a supply of few of the usual concomitants of that day, except the soiled linen and mud-tracked floors.

     "Mort, Jemmy; more mort," is the frequent call of the masons, as they add stone to stone and carry the walls higher and higher. Reader, we have watched the progress of these masons day after day, as if they were building a tower by which we might scale Heaven, and win eternal sunbeams. We have heard the cry for "mort" before, and watched the growing walls of princely residences; but it is our home that is growing now, and the ring of the trowel, and the tramp of Jimmy, with his mortar, are notes of "home, sweet home."

     Ah, reader, experience is always quarrying from the mine of truth, always opening up rich veins of human brotherhood. Since our dependence upon Jimmy for the building of a home, he has suddenly become a person of importance in our eyes, (don't let us forget the lesson when our dependence ceases, and turn up our nose at his hod,) and we feel ourself more honored in his cheerful good morning, than if he were an idle millionaire, absorbing luxuries, when hardly comforts can be won by the producers of life's necessaries.

     Blessings on a new country, since its conditions teach mutual dependence and humane consideration, and say to capital Honor labor. It is labor digs deep the foundations; it is labor weaves the social web, and makes it possible and desirable to gather men in towns and cities, and schools and churches.

     As our readers are already aware, Quindaro is on the Wyandott Reserve, or what was the Reserve of this Indian tribe. [14]

     The Wyandotts were admitted, more than a year ago, to the rights of citizenship under our Government. [15] Originally removed from the East, they received an annuity besides lands here, in exchange for their Eastern lands. [16] That annuity,—some ten dollars to each individual,—was cancelled a few years since in a new treaty, giving to each individual of the nation a semi-annual dividend, as part payment of a stipulated sum which our Government agreed to pay them for all their lands here, [17] over and above a certain portion or reserve, which has been divided among them, and is now held by them in fee simple. [18] Of those lands the Wyandotts are qualified to give good warrantee deeds. Each individual man, woman and child is a landholder by grant of Government. Married women and minors hold their lands from Government in their own right. There is no provision by which the lands of minors can be conveyed. An attempt is being made, we are told, to procure a guardianship power from Government, to relieve this disability. So long as they receive their semi-annual payments—which are some $500 per annum—there is no pressing need of a power of conveyance for these minors. But in three years the Government will have paid them off the money part of the debt, and if they cannot, or do not, raise their own bread from their lands, they will in some instances doubtless, need to sell them for support. [19]

     Thoroughly convinced by the observations and experiences of the past, that Intemperance is the deadliest foe to all that is good in man, or desirable in his social surroundings—and made painfully aware that its dens and agencies are already in our midst, degrading manhood and destroying the hope of home prosperity, which has won wives and mothers to meet cheerfully the toils and privations of a new country in the midst of strangers—we, the undersigned, women of Quindaro, do hereby appeal to the men of Quindaro, and respectfully petition them to take the speedy and efficient measures for the casting out of the vile demon that is entering our homes, and brutalizing the guardians of all our social and State interests [21]

     "Mrs. Nichols," said a gentleman of our acquaintance the other evening, "I wish to ask if you are in favor of having the ladies break up the whiskey barrels." I have been asked the question and heard it asserted that such was the action contemplated by the ladies' movement last week. [23] No, Sir, and I am surprised that the ladies' movement, or myself should be so misrepresented. For I have repeatedly, and, in asking names to that petition, stated,—that I could neither advise nor join in any such action. Not that I would, by implication even, censure, or charge with unwomanliness, women who have, or may take such means to rid themselves and community of the vile traffic in intoxicating drinks. They have my warmest sympathy in their determined opposition to rum-selling and rum-drinking, and I will never turn coldly away from any earnest worker for the right, who differs from me only as to the ways and means of rooting out a great and widespread wrong. Personally I could not take part in any violent measures for the suppression of the liquor traffic. But looking into my own heart I must confess that for women, whose husbands, sons or brothers are being destroyed, and destroying others, through the influence of liquor dens,—for such women in the madness of despair, to go hatchet in hand against them, seems eminently womanly. And were they to put the lighted torch to the vile haunts that have lighted the souls of their loved ones with the fires of hell, and I were one of a jury to decide on their guilt I would feel compelled to bring in a verdict—acted in self-defense.

     I could only declare them guilty of possessing, by gift of their Creator, sensibilities commensurate with their peculiar responsibilities as guardians of home and mothers of the race—and say, "what God has joined let not man put asunder," but take heed in his legislative capacity, that he has not woman's consent to be governed through groggeries,—to be ruled by drunkards out of the homes, means and conditions necessary to the discharge of womanly and humane duties. It is as unwomanly as it is unmanly to suffer wrongs to exist which we have power to prevent. A common humanity dictates to cut the halter, snatch the razor, and plunge into the stream to save the suicide from himself. The drunkard is a suicide; put away from him the intoxicating cup. It would be criminal to stand and see the murderer by means slow or swift destroy his victim; and the laws require that poison shall not be sold under any probabilities of misuse.

     Let the same legislation, the same public sentiment be applied to the traffic and use of intoxicating drinks. Let men be men, and women will not be forced to the desperate re-action of outraged womanly sympathies. [24]

     Do our sister citizens know how beautiful are the woods of Quindaro? If they have not penetrated the undisturbed portions of the town plat and its environs, we beg them to do so at once, before the woodman fells the grand old trees and works the ruin of beauty which it has taken ages to perfect.

     The contrast between Art and Nature, town and country is never more keenly felt than in passing from the rude conditions and unsightly elements of the new settlement, into the midst of primeval forests and June draped prairies. We took a ramble the other day, in the direction indicated, and brought back to our close, crowded room memories that have shaded us from the burning sun and breathed fragrance and music around us ever since. As we sit in our one room, thought wanders off from our busy hands to the woodpath, where refreshing breezes play among the dense foliage, birds sing in happy concert, and the fragrance of flowers fills the air. We are oblivious, for the time being, of the petty annoyances of unaccustomed conditions and associations. Even yearnings for the companionship of those who knowing all our faults "do love us still," are hushed. The consecrated memories of the past, its subdued joys, its soul-chastening sorrows meet us in that forest temple, 'neath the ivy-wreathed oak, and we listen oh, how rapt! to the thousand voices chanting sweet and well-remembered strains.

     But they come not alone—the lost joy, the soul-chastening sorrow. No, they bring with them Heaven's peace; faith and love are at the trysting and Hope's glorious arch spans the unbridged future.

     Go to the grand old woods, sisters, go, and gather cool shadows, and music of bird and bee, the beauty of climbing vine, and clinging ivy, and forget the weariness of the toil and the disorder of the path of progress.

     If the curse of Cain be not on us, the earth will yield unto us her strength. The fields may not be ours, the crops may not enrich us, but if from our hearts wells up the deep, broad human love that lifts up our brother and cries our Father, we will build and none shall destroy, we will have peace and none shall disquiet us.

     What essential difference is there between life in the free and the slave States, that the white man should prefer the former to the latter? He is legally free in a slave State. He owns himself. His wife, his children, cannot be taken from him. His earnings and theirs, are his to control and appropriate. Legally, his interests are as fully recognized in the slave as in the free States. Politically, he holds the same position. He may vote, and be elected to any office in the gift of the State, provided, only, that he has the available qualifications, or can make his fellow citizens believe that he is qualified for the same.

     What then, to this man, personally, is the difference whether legal slavery exists in his neighborhood, or not?— What to him are the advantages of a free State, as opposed to a slave State?

     This is a question of deep significance to the framers of a new State, and a question which the people of Kanzas must be able to answer intelligently, before they are qualified to secure to themselves the advantage of free institutions.

     Much more than the absence of legal slavery is implied in the existence of free institutions. Something more than the presence of legal slavery is implied in the existence of southern, or slave institutions.

     Not only legal securities, but social and domestic; not only laws, but customs more potent than laws, are involved in each. Legal slavery and its securities may be abolished in Missouri to-morrow, yet with no change in her social and educational policy, the disadvantages of slavery would cling to her still, and effectually cheat her white citizens of the best fruits of freedom. We believe that the difference which obtains between the free and slave States, is to be attributed, mainly, to the differences in educational facilities, and incentives to industry.

     How has New England made her rocky shores and barren hills teem with a well-fed, well-bred, and happy population? Simply by adapting her legislative and social policy to the thorough culture of the industrial, mental and moral capabilities of her people, and to the fostering of the highest incentives to useful industry. Vermont the least productive of these States, stands first in the scale of general education. Of all the States in the Union the proportion of her inhabitants, who cannot read and write, is least. With less wealth and fewer facilities for acquiring it, she has fewest paupers.

     By the general diffusion of intelligence, New England has overcome the disadvantages of soil and climate and practically illustrated, that "knowledge is power," the power of productive industry, of self-support and an honorable independence. Aye, more, that giving it to the masses clears the pauper list, abolishes the pauper tax and relieves the state of the burden of supporting its otherwise helpless and dependent members—at the same time preventing the crime and degradation that inevitably attach to ignorance.

     Equal legislation and general education are the two arms of a wise political economy. And to our thinking the most efficient and prosperous people, must be that one which secures to its members the most eminently practical education, with the most perfect enjoyment of and right to the avails of their own industry. If we read the history of the past or the present, we will find that just in proportion as the right of the individual to the self-created means of his God-given energies has been respected, industry has been stimulated, the equal claim of the laborer to education responded to, industrial skill developed, the inventive faculties achieved their noblest triumphs, and labor, honored among the most honorable, stands beside capital self-reliant, self-respecting, its brow radiant with the consciousness of a living soul.

     The white laborer in a slave State is excluded by the very necessities of slavery, from the means of culture on the one hand, and the highest encouragements to industry on the other. The slave-holding class monopolizes education, not daring to entrust to the slave the knowledge which "is power." It dare not give education to the free blacks, for they are in sympathy with the slave, and policy forbids that they be allowed facilities demonstrating that freedom can elevate their race to a level with the white. It will not do to educate the white laborers, for they would win skill and enterprise, and by the aid of machinery compete with the slave laborer and depreciate his chattel value.

     Labor is degraded in the fettered limbs of the slave. The poor white feels it a reproach, consequently only resorts to it that he may exist, and eats his grudgingly earned crust in a bitterness of spirit, that cherishes every base and wicked passion. The slaves are the only real producers of wealth, and they consume what they produce. As John Randolph said, "the negroes raise all the corn, the hogs eat the corn, and the negroes eat the hogs." [27]— Through ignorance they work neither well, nor to advantage; they are incapable of inventing ways or means, and cannot use the machinery invented for them. Having no right to the wealth they create, they lack the incentive to accomplish what they are able, and consequently accomplish less than half the labor of an intelligent freeman. A slave State lacks the intelligent labor requisite to develop its internal resources on the one hand, and on the other, the wealth and enterprise needed to push forward internal improvements. The white man's legal rights may be as fully recognized under Southern institutions, but the privileges by which he may rise to an honorable position are sadly wanting.

     Free institutions are the crowning glory of a State, and the most congenial to individual usefulness, happiness and respectability, for they bring within the reach of all, the means of self-development for the noblest ends and the highest enjoyment.

     We would benevolently suggest that the roads between Quindaro and Wyandott be straightened, and the moon fixed over the "pulling up place." It must be very unpleasant for the weary pedestrian to call at every house in town to inquire the way to his lodgings. Our attention has been called to this subject, by the fact that several of our citizens coming from Wyandott on the evening of the Fourth, were lost in our door-yard and called to inquire the way to Quindaro. It was a beautiful moon-light night, but we protest against anybody's suspecting them of being drunk, for their spokesman assured us that "he and his companions had been pulling and hauling for these three hours in the woods without finding the way,—that they had often been over the road before, but with never a drop in the head had got asthray [sic]!"

     We have had the pleasure, during the present week, of welcoming to our place Dr. [Thomas H.] Webb, of Boston, Secretary of the New England Emigrant Aid Company. [30] The Dr. and his Lady have come to the territory with the intention of visiting its various settlements and sections, with a view to a better acquaintance with the country and the people.

     We wish them an abundant enjoyment of their trip. We learned to respect the Dr. as a philanthropist long before his connection with Kanzas emigration.

     Our connexion with the Chindowan has been brief, so let our farewell be. We took the position of Associate Editor conditionally. The conditions requisite to permanency have been wanting. What these conditions were it is not necessary to state in detail.— With the assurance of our high consideration for yourselves collectively, and an earnest hope that the Chindowan may be sustained in all its well directed efforts for the freedom of Kanzas in particular, and the elevation of mankind in general, we bid you a cordial good-bye. [32]

     In proof that old friends though far away, are not "out of mind," I snatch not a leisure moment to give them, through your columns, a few Kansas items, of deepest interest, at the present moment to friends and foes of Freedom.

     But first let me say, I am at last permanently located, my address is "Quindaro, Kansas," where I will give a more than cheerful welcome to the tiniest missive from the Green hills of my native, and still best beloved State. Do the dwellers in old settlements realize the cheering influence of such remembrances upon the toiling pioneer, making even privations but the shadows of a substantial success?

     But Kansas—what of the night of oppression, of the dawn of freedom on her glorious prairies?—how speeds the conflict? Ay, friends, Echo responds "how?" and the querists on this hard fought battle-field, set their teeth and reserve their reply for the decisive day when the official (?) reports will enable Echo to answer how the day has sped. Our election held two days, and we have not learned that any disturbance occurred at either of the voting precincts. [34] The thorough organization, and known determination of the Free State party was all that kept the peace and secured them access to the ballot boxes. [35] Gov. [Robert J.] Walker [36] and his troops even disposed with very little show of authority, many precincts getting no specimens of his protection till "after the Fair." [37] Kickapoo seems to have found his presence most beneficial in the trying time. [38]— This anxiety to sustain the doctrine of the Kansas-Nebraska bill—"squatter sovereignty"—was so great that he took from four to seven hundred of Uncle Sam's troopers to the Kickapoo precinct to aid in deciding for us our "domestic institutions." Suffice it to say that by this one act he has given the majority of this District to the pro-slavery party. By the way, this party calls itself "The National Democratic party."

     I wish I had time and space to report for your columns the position taken by the candidates of this party in their speeches here preparatory to election. [39] Three out of four of them, when questioned on the stand, admitted that they were for a Slave State; [40] the fourth was a free State man when the party had dosed with bad whiskey till he could be used for a bait to catch "gulls." [41] He said when questioned, that if elected he would go for a law making Kansas a free State, he also admitted that a large majority of the candidates of his party in the Territory were in favor of a Slave State but said "that such is the fact is owing to the condition of the Party." He didn't explain the nature of this condition of the party, probably it was a constitutional one and ineradicable. Oh, you should have heard the noble, calm, and terribly searching review and reply to their positions, of Gov. Robinson, who was called out for that purpose immediately on leaving the platform. [42] One of these candidates (for judge) when questioned and fairly cornered admitted having made a speech welcoming the Georgia invaders, last year, and you should have heard the scathing rebukes showered upon him by the audience, to appreciate the feelings of our people. [43] They found few National Democrats here and left fewer than they found.

     It has been reported that in Oxford, a town of fifty families opposite Little Santa Fe, Mo., from fourteen to sixteen hundred pro-slavery votes were cast on the second day. Only eighty were cast the first day and that comprised the whole actual voting population. [44] Voting as they did "viva voce" not one-third the number could have voted. It is now intimated by Secretary Stanton, who is acting Governor—that no such returns were made from that County but that they have been trumped up at Lecompton. [45] He promises to throw them out.— If he does two thirds the House will be Free State and the Kickapoo vote will be thrown out, giving us this District. It is the general opinion that the indignation of the Free State men on the one hand and the life of the Democratic Party at the North are the outside pressure under which Secretary Stanton will do this thing.

     What if he does not, and the pro-slavery party rule out a fairly elected Free State majority? Then Sir, you may look to see the Legislative halls of Kansas cleared of the money changers, as was the Temple of Jerusalem, and christen men battling for their rights with weapons somewhat different, but quite as available in the circumstances. But it is late and I must close, wishing every blessing to old friends and enemies—if I have any—I can afford it out of the abundance of a heart that closes on no bitter thing. [46]

     I would have written you the first mail after receipt of yours, but waited expecting an answer from your brother [48] to whom I applied at once for money to start in my Mission—[49] Two weeks have passed & still not a word from him. [50] I sent him an order for $50 from Mrs. [Susan E.] Wattles [51] which she sent immediately on receipt of yours. I communicated with her and others. Our conclusion is that the people—especially women dependent on men to be transferred of[f] the farm—can't well or advisedly be got out to Cam[pai]g[n] at this hot & busy season: nor is it best to try it. There is no man to go with me & I don't want one. The work can be better done by calling to my aid the noble men of each place I visit & I know many such. We have to work differently here where population is sparse—conveyances except farm teams & they not spareable—difficult to be had—where every body is pinned to home by necessities unknown in the Old East.

     I have engaged lobby influence of the first order & can get more. We have little—I no hope—of getting a Con[stitutiona]l provision of enfranchisement— Our best friends would not vote for it for fear it might defeat or embarrass the adoption of our Con[stitutio]n or its admission some way. [52] What we aim at is to prepare for getting it, thro a provision for future submission of the question by itself. Our friends will stick to our rights & compel opponents to compromise in a provision for future submission of the question by itself. Our friends will stick to our rights & compel opponents to compromise in a provision of that kind. This will carry the whole question of extended suffrage to the people and we gain time to work for universal suffrage.

     If we got it in the Con[stitutio]n the col[ored]. suffrage will be settled also & adversely— Our only hope for the free blacks, is to keep their rights an open question till the election of a Legislature under the New Con[stitutio]n. We will lose nothing by a provision postponing action till that time. Meantime—between Con[stitutio]n & the election under it &c. we have time when the people will be more at leisure and unexcited on men's rights and fear of starvation to educate people for right action.

     I have prepared myself to plead before the Con[ventio]n [53] and were it not that I have lost so much time waiting for D. R. Anthony to remit expense money would be in good heart. [54] I am in perfect trim physically which is what I never was [back] East. I have succeeded in getting $50 at 2 p[e]r c[en]t per month & am now waiting for a boat to Leavenworth where I will hunt up your brother & see what it means. I got ready at once on receipt of yours. You are always so prompt. I felt my wings grow fearing no disappointment. But "mistakes will happen in the best of families." I shall go to as many places as possible: have written hither & thither to prepare the way. [55]

     We think it our best policy not to make any noise except to call on friends to circulate petitions &c. "We only want to make a handsome showing of petitions in number & quality & get a good hearing" says Gov[ernor] Robinson who guarantees me that. But I don't say to anyone that I will appear before the Con[ventio]n at present. We have the right men elected so far as I have heard. I am going to the largest town where there is most prejudice to be overcome & where a little of that success will tell most of us.

     P. S. I will write on my way soon. Some Tracts would help us. I think the Memorial would do more good before the Legislature to be elected under the Con[stitutio]n. My friends here think so. But you must act as you think best.

     We the undersigned, citizens of Kansas Territory do hereby represent to your Honorable Body, that, whereas the Women of a State have, individually and collectively, an evident common interest with its men in all the securities to life, liberty, property and intelligent culture;—and whereas by inherent laws and "the universal consent of mankind," the relations which they sustain to humanity do involve them in greater and more complicated responsibilities, so that they have pressing need of all the legal and constitutional guarantees enjoyed by any class of citizens;—and whereas the enjoyment of these guarantees involves the possession of equal political rights— Therefore we, the undersigned, being of mature age, do respectfully petition and protest against any constitutional monopoly or pre-eminence of rights, based on sex. [57]

SAMUEL A. KINGMAN (1818-1904), fourth chief justice of the Kansas state supreme court, was the leader of the antifeminist forces at the Wyandotte constitutional convention.

JOHN RITCHIE (1817-1887), a Republican leader in Kansas and Topeka, was one of the more vocal supporters of woman's rights in the Wyandotte constitutional convention.

WENDELL PHILLIPS (1811-1884), the famed abolitionist, was treasurer of the Francis Jackson Woman's Rights Funds and agreed to pay expenses in the early equality fight in Kansas.

JOHN O. WATTLES (1813?-1859), a noted social reformer and antislavery lecturer in Ohio and Kansas, organized the Moneka Woman's Rights Association in Linn county in 1858.

     We are accomplishing something practical besides creating a public sentiment perfectly irresistible by politicians. When the Con[ventio]n came together our friends in the Con[ventio]n & out gave no hope of our getting any thing but large legal securities for person property & children—[59] So great had been the change of policy since [Horace] Greeley's instruction to stick to precedents and insist white males of 21 y[ea]rs as qualifications for suffrage. [60]

     Well we have presented 560 petitioners names and some 200 have been unaccountably detain[ed] on the mail route.

     I have spoken by invitation before the Con[ventio]n [61]—a crowded house tho' all the democracy went in a body (some 16) to Kansas City to a Circus. I wrote out & got thro' a resolution instructing the Com[mitte]e on Preamble & Bill of rights to report taxation & rep[resentation]. inseparable. They reported a section declarating [sic] "no Constitutional distinction on account of Sect or Sex"—that is now coming up for consideration in Com[mitte]e of the Whole. [62]

     I have labored with leading men and parties & pledge[d] all them to sustain us—contending for no Con[stitutional] dis[tinctio]n. In treatment of failure in that to fall back on tax[atio]n & rep[resentation]. inseparable & make a stand then: in event of defeat on these positions or on the first to get the question referred in the best possible shape to the people.

     Tax[atio]n they will show is a low ground-making property of more account than humanity—the moral & intellectual interests which involve the "virtue & intelligence of the people" gagged, while the dollar is respectfully heard and obeyed &c.

     I wrote & got thru a resolution instructing the Leg[islativ]e Com[mitte]e to report that "the women of the State shall have an equal voice in the organization & conduct of the Common Schools of the State." The Report has been [given] two readings & the provision passed by a majority which with the increased favor it has since secured, makes its adoption on a third reading morally certain. [63]

     I have drawn on your brother for $50. I have spent 4 weeks in the field and am to attend this Con[ventio]n till our fate is decided. I can do no more here than in the field now. Soon as it adjourns I am to set off and attend Con[ventio]ns. I shall go as long as by your aid and contributions I can keep going. I can get a little by the lecture—to increase the fund for expenses. I took $15 in all.

     Mr. [John O.] Wattles is also laboring & a good & influential man. [64] We will meet Con[ventio]n[s] together &c.

     I shall write to your brother for $25 or 50 more in two weeks.

     I am still here laboring with members and outsiders—directly or indirectly as seems most politic—to advance our cause. [66] Defeated as we are bound to be on the suffrage question [67]—we will get better terms on legal securities. Our right to hold, acquire and defend property independent of husbands & to equal control of children during their (entire) minority is passed in a provision adopted (1st reading) and without a single "nay." [68] There will be an effort to change on a second reading by insisting "equal legal rights" as under that phraseology we can reach the whole subject of settle[men]t of estates, taxation &c. [69]

     I have again secured the promise of an effort to get an exemption from taxes; also the friends are prepared to try again for suffrage submission thro' the Legislature. One branch of our friends contend that our case is provided for under a provision adopted, making a majority vote of the Legis[latur]e competent to submit any question of amendment to the people. It is conceded that we can easily get a majority vote of the Legis[latur]e to submit the question of suffrage. I believe this; nothing but the fear that the Con[stitutio]n will be voted down preventing our enfranchisement by Con[stitutiona]l provision. Twice have the repub[lica]ns in cau[cu]ses cast a majority vote (of the whole Con[ventio]n) in its favor. No such fear will prevent action by the Legis[latur]e.

     I propose to go out in two weeks again & canvass the towns with reference to the election of a right Leg[islatur]e; & preparing the people & women for the practical use of their school rights. [70]

     I shall get collections when I can, & rely on the friends to secure my ex[pense]s and a small compensation at least; as my daughter [Birsha] has to leave her school to keep house while I spend my time &—

     By urgent request from all directions (members & citizens) I speak here again tomorrow evening. [71] They say I have accomplished a great change in public sentiment. I tell you because of our mutual interest in the cause. O Susan I thank God daily that with renovated strength, my capability—& consequent success in the lecture field is increased. I did poorest in Leavenworth [72]—indeed I felt at home every where else. It is the hardest place & yet the Ed[itor]. of the Ledger who made a disparaging notice of our movement before my visit, noticed my lecture saying he had not listened 10 minutes before he was woman's rights man &c. [73]

     We want $25 of W[oman's]. R[ights]. Funds your brother I learn from Mr. [John O.] Wattles has reserved that much for the same. Mrs. [Susan E.] Wattles wishes me to write—& select the Tracts— please send the 5 you have stereotyped, & any additional you think best.

     Whatever the friends appropriate to Kansas will be faithfully & economically used. We have our first Con[ventio]n in Moneka (southern Kansas) 7 Sept[ember]. & from that to other counties, organizing associations &c.—[74]

     We have 12 men, thorough reformers in this Con[ventio]n. [75] One of these says he has so long stood alone on the Wom[an]. question that he feels almost doubtful of himself as if he had receded to find public sentiment coming to his side.

     P. S. I will drop a line often as any thing is done of interest in our direction.

     The poor colored man & the indian have been cut off by "white"—the Con[ventio]n ruling that all are white in whom the white-blood preponderates! [76]

     I think they will find trouble even tho' they cited as precedents the decisions of Ohio judges as according with this view. [77] But what is not put in block characters on the pages of the Con[stitutio]n I believe will be of doubtful title with a negro hating people as in the river counties the majority are. The indians will find lenient expounders of the constitutional "white." The persistent efforts of the Democrats to get a law excluding negroes from the State & from the Schools has been resisted by large majorities. [78]

     The ladies attending the sessions of this Convention beg leave to respond to the vote of thanks tendered this morning [80]—that they have been both pleased and profited by the debates and proceedings generally.

     And while they acknowledge themselves duly grateful for small favors from the Constitutional Board, they beg leave to say, that the very commendable self-respect of the members generally has relieved them from all unpleasant apprehensions as to the wisdom or the propriety of asking for the residue of "rights" on all suitable occasions." [81]

     At Quindaro, Kansas in Dec. [1859], I was arrested with several of my neighbors, among them a Congregationalist Clergyman and his wife, his deacon and wife, a Notary Public and an ex-Probate Judge, for "kidnapping" neighbor D[iamond]'s children. [83] As a matter of fact, we had aided the mother in recovering her little ones from the clutch of a husband who had lived for years on the earnings of her needle, beaten her once to death's door and town support, and later choked her to insensibility and thrust her out of doors and thrown her clothes after her. Compelled to apply for a divorce, as the only hope of getting her little ones and the control of her earnings for their support, she left Vermont and went into a Cotton Manufactory in Maine where she had friends to aid her. [84] Just before the trial for divorce D. sold her furniture to pay his fare and came to Kansas, changed his name and had been living in our midst two years, when the mother having, laid by $400 in gold, followed and found her children living on the charity of their neighbors in a hovel with their temperate but desperately vile father.

     Providentially, as it proved, I met her at the hotel when she landed and took her to my home. On learning her arrival D. at once gave notice that, if she resorted to the Courts for her children he would take them across the river (to Missouri) and applied for a writ—which he could have obtained under Vermont laws—to arrest me for "harboring" the wife he had turned out of doors, and for damages in loss of the personal services she owed him!

     In a private council of friends, the gentlemen advised that I with several other women, should go with the mother and take the children by force and they would go with and protect us from violence. As our Court would not be in session for some months and the Missouri State line was almost within a "stone's throw," this seemed to them the only alternative. Knowing the temper of the man and the penalties affixed to interference with the legal rights of fatherhood, I declined, but offered to appeal to the Legislature (the last under Territorial law) which was about to convene, [85] for divorce and custody of children for the mother. My proposal was cordially accepted, and armed with a statement of the case signed by them and others of our best citizens, I went to the Legislature and found my case barred out by the adoption (on the first day of the session) of a resolution to consider no cases of divorce involving the interests of children. [86]

     Having secured the sympathy of leading "best men"—several of whom had voted mother's rights in the Constitutional Convention—my appeal was submitted to the House, and without a question referred to the judiciary Committee before whom I was notified to appear and did so with my friend, Mrs. Wm. Hutchinson. S[amuel]. N. Wood was Chairman of the Committee. [87] His confreres [sic], men of position and undoubted legal ability utterly ignorant of the text and animus of the "woman's movement" were disposed to use the opportunity to post themselves in its merits, and (as I half suspected with the anticipation of amusement therefrom) expressed a wish to hear me on that subject. I accordingly spent an hour in the discussion of woman's legal wrongs, postponing the consideration of her claims to political rights to the next morning, when they were prepared to give me their decision in the divorce case. [88]

     In consideration of the resolution of the Legislature, which had been unanimous, I was required to procure testimony that would be satisfactory to the Courts, of the facts charged. "And now Mrs. Nichols," added Mr. [Charles] Sims, [89] the gentlemany [sic] democratic member—Chairman also, of the Enrolling Committee— "in procuring this testimony you will be necessarily detained here some weeks: would you like a Clerk-ship?"

     Blessed providence! Three dollars per day in scrip at 75¢ enabled me to stay and engineer the case without expense to the mother. And this was not all. A fellow boarder, Clerk in the Senate, was called home for a week, early in the session, by sickness in his family. Outside of my enrolling office hours, I made up for him the minutes of proceedings which were sent me from the Senate, and on his return I was appointed Assistant Clerk. [90]

     I am not cognizant of any earlier appointment of a woman to a Legislative Clerkship; and probably I am the only one who has filled a Clerkship in each branch at the same session. [Being a rapid penman, with a chirography legible as print, my judgment acquits me of any undue advantage in the arrangement.]

     Having received sufficient testimony, three days prior to the adjournment of the session, the Judiciary Committee reported a bill for divorce and custody of children. [91] Meantime every arrangement had been made for a quick passage through every stage of proceedings, from the Judiciary Committee to the signature of the Governor, and without having raised an opposing voice, it had reached the reading for its final passage in the Senate, when a member moved its "indefinite postponement," and gave as his reason, that "a gentleman of intelligence and position from Quindaro, had just informed him, that there must be some mistake in the matter, as the father of the children was a sober, intelligent man, had a good trade and was able to support them." The President of the Senate, [92] one of Kansas' best men, who had been a member of the Constitutional Convention and has now gone to his reward—being fully posted in the facts, vacated the Chair and with a few explanatory words, procured the reference of the bill to a special Committee, the chairman of which met me next morning in the Enrolling office. Providentially the "gentleman from Quindaro," a lawyer living outside of D's neighborhood, had just come in to copy a bill in which he was interested and I invited him to the conference. He confessed that he knew nothing of the case excepting what the father, who had commissioned him "to look after his interests," had told him of his wife's desertion of her little children; "which allegation"—the Committee significantly remarked—"is discredited by her coming for them from Maine to Kansas in the dead of winter." Having examined testimony from the East, which had come to hand after the report of the Judiciary Committee had gone to the House, and the statement over the signatures of his Pastor and several reliable citizens, D—'s counsel remarked, that "the woman ought to have her children and undoubtedly her bill will pass." Would you not feel better, I asked, as due both to her and to yourself, since you have arrested its passage, to formally withdraw your objections? "I do so, Mrs. Nichols," was his cordial response. And without another word, our conference bowed itself and each other out. [93]

     The Legislature had adjourned. The bill was in my pocket "signed and sealed," when my Quindaro friend—we had been friends from the first settlement of the town—who would reach home a day in advance of the mail conveyance by which I would return—called to inquire. if I had "any message to send." "Yes Sir, you can take a message that will relieve me of great anxiety. To prevent D. from getting those children over the Kansas border, it is necessary that the mother's friends get the first news of the divorce, and I want you to promise me on your honor to put this letter in judge C—'s hand before you risk a chance of meeting D." The letter was faithfully delivered and a watch set over D—'s domicile night and day, till tired of his jailor's office, he shouldered his rifle and took the Wyandotte road, convoying his children.

     Immediately Judge [C.] mounted his horse and armed with the requisite authority arrested him on the charge of abducting the children as he had threatened. The lawyer in whose office he was found, and whom he employed to defend his case, had a special engagement for the evening and proposed to defer the trial till the next day. The Judge had an engagement for the next day, but would be at liberty to attend to the matter the day after. This arrangement made, D. was taken back to Quindaro and placed under guard. The children in charge of an older half-sister—the father's deputy—were allowed to return home. Why were the children not put in possession of the mother at once? Such a course foreshadowed no end of delay and trouble, with more than the possibility of failure. A brief expose of certain local conditions will explain this.

     At that period in her history, Kansas though on the eve of admission to the Union, was as intensely political, in every fibre of her social structure, as when the slogan "Free Kansas" rallied to defence of the border. The return of escaped slaves (and even of free blacks) to Missouri for $100 to which such service was entitled by Mo. Statute law, [94]—was still accomplished surreptitiously, and often by aid of conspiring Kansas officials in the border towns. From its settlement Quindaro had been the Canada of the escaped slave and as such, obnoxious to the pro-slavery element of Wyandotte, which was outvoted at the polls and oftener outwitted on the underground rail-road, by what it was pleased to term, "the philanthropy of Quindaro." [95] This philanthropy, which had fed the children, was now resolutely set for the defence of the mother's claims, and D., despairing of neighborhood sympathy, had appealed to the hostile element in our Sister City—represented in this instance by our official Prosecuting Attorney and two legal assistants. [96]

     Kansas law being on the mother's side there was no doubt that, whatever might be the outward seeming, strategy in which practice had made them formidable opponents, was to be the final if not the first resort. [97] From Kansas to Maine were 1500 miles—eight states—in every one of which the statute and Common Law right of custody, would deliver the children to the father in defiance of the natural claim of the mother and her Kansas right of custody. It had not been long since a reluctant Kansas Court had delivered to a Massachusetts father two little girls which a Massachusetts Court had decreed to the tender, capable mother with a divorce from the irresponsible father. But this Kansas law which would fail the mother in a contest outside the State, was an efficient protection to the "Quindaro Philanthropists" against prosecution for aiding the mother in getting possession of her children. In view of all the facts our arrangements included an underground rail-road to a given point on the homeward journey, and secrecy and despatch in the embarkation.

     Twenty four hours time; the close custody of D., and the removal of the sister's surveillance—conditions necessary to the quiet and successful carrying out of our program—had been secured by delay of the trial and failure of D. to get bail among his neighbors. The day after his arrest, D.—in order to procure bail—was forced, as had been anticipated, to send the sister with a request to this end, to his Wyandotte counsel. Our opportunity thus secured, eight of us repaired to the neighbor's where the children had been left and were politely received. Our Pastor presented the divorce act and introduced the mother whose pathetic "I want my children; please step aside and let me go in," procured us lawful entrance to the presence of the children in an interior room.

     In less than an hour we had them in my home, washed and dressed in warm, beautiful suits neatly fitted and brought by the mother from her eastern home. "When night let her curtain down, and pinned it with a star," a little band of the rescuers took mother and children by a blind and solitary path to a deserted mill on the river's bank below the village landing,. Here the hoot of a domesticated owl, brought a farmer and his boat from the opposite shore—where our next neighbor, who had removed his household goods to Missouri, awaited mother and children (with his wife and covered wagon) all unsuspected, to convey them forty miles across the country to an intermediate station on the Hannibal and St. Jo. Railroad.

     Scarcely had we sat down, relieved and happy, to our delayed tea—for we had been too engrossed in momentous preparations to think of eating—when the Wyandotte Attorneys with Sheriff and posse, came for the children. "They were here this P. M. but they are not here now," was the frank response of Judge C. "Then where are they." "I cannot tell you." Just then a Mo. river boat whistled at the landing, and without pausing to say "good night," they rushed down the street to search for their game in the boat.

     Three days they watched our movements from the surrounding heights, thinking we had secreted the children, a delusion which as it secured the escape of the mother and little ones, we took reasonable care not to dispel. On the fourth day we were arrested for breaking into the premises and kidnapping the children. After a notable trial of three days continuance, the Justice before whom we were brought, decided that the charges were not sustained, but at the instance of the prosecution he ordered us bound over for trial to the regular term of Court, to "test the constitutionality of that divorce," as he explained when I inquired on what ground. [98] And this was the end, for the Grand Jury found "No Cause." [99] And mother and children arrived safely at their Maine home.

     If the sympathies of the children had been with the mother, their rescue could have been accomplished at once, but probably at the cost to us of a malicious and expensive prosecution. A meeting arranged without knowledge of the children proved the impossibility of securing their co-operation. Recognizing their mother, they fled at break-neck speed in the "home stretch." They had been taught, that her attempts to poison them were the cause of their father's emigration and change of name, and that she would put them in a factory at the East, where recently one had fallen and buried hundreds of women and children in its ruins. [100] When they were drawn from their concealment, wild with terror, screaming, biting and scratching their captors, not one of us would have admitted the possibility of a result to make us regret our part in the affair; but were we not more than paid when the happy mother wrote us from her home, that on the third night of her journey, at a hotel where they stopped over to rest—she had slept between them—a little sunny head on each arm, because neither was willing to be separated from her!

     KANSAS LEGISLATURE.—This roving body has finally gone back to Lawrence, as will be seen by the proceedings in another column, copied from the Leavenworth Herald and Times. The everlasting Mrs. Nichols and her yoke mate, Miss Grant, are on hand for the purpose of participating in the affairs of State. [103] These strong minded women are some on foot, if they can keep up with the migratory body. These masculine women, who are not satisfied with their physical condition, but aspire to man's estate, should be encouraged. They are prepared to resign their knitting work, and take upon themselves the business of legislation. They pray that a law may be enacted making them equal to men—and superior in certain cases, and their petition has been referred to the Judiciary Committee. [104] Whether this legislation will arraign the wisdom of Providence, and repeal an ordinance of Nature, remains to be seen. [105]

Messrs. Thacher:

     The above racy paragraph is clipped from the Atchison Union. [106] Your correspondent respectfully asks its insertion in your columns for the benefit of all whom it may concern. As an assurance of pleasant regard and sympathy for the gentlemanly author, we tender him our autograph; also, if he will furnish yarn, (the times are hard) we will cheerfully engage to keep him stockinged until superseded in our labor of benevolence by some less aspiring, knitting machine, only asking in return that he will send us his paper whenever the spirit moves him to pleasant notices of the "strong minded women." [107]

     In answer to his query as to the probability of the Legislature's "repealing the ordinances of nature," we think it not likely, while "Jefferson's Manual" [108] holds out.

     The world moves, and men and women move with it. It will be a source of gratification to many of your readers, and to the majority of the Wyandot Constitutional Convention, to learn that the Legislature of the great and intelligent State of New York has placed itself even, at least, with Kansas, in the securing to woman her natural rights. [110]

     The [New York] Century says: "We have great cause to be proud of a Legislature that can at the same time defeat an iniquitous railroad scheme, and pass such a law as that which we have now the pleasure to announce, on the subject of 'Woman's Rights.'" [111] The bill provides—

     1. That the property, both real and personal, now held by any married woman in the State of New York, in her sole right, or any that may come to her by descent, bequest, gift or grant; and all property that she may acquire by labor, or by trade carried on for her own account; and all rents and proceeds of property to which she has a right prior to marriage—shall be and remain her sole property, not liable for her husband's debts, and free from his control.

     2. That a married woman may sell her separate personal property, and carry on any trade or business, on her own account; and that the profit thereof shall be at her separate control for investment or use, as she may see fit.

     3. Any married woman may buy and sell real estate, and make contracts for the same; but no conveyance or contract shall be valid without the written consent of her husband. This is a reciprocal right with the husband, as the wife's consent is necessary to make valid his transfer of real estate. If she shall be unable to obtain the consent of her husband, by reason of his absence, refusal or insanity, she may apply to the county court, and by its authority may make such transfer. If it may appear that the husband has abandoned his wife, or that he is a convict in any State prison, or an habitual drunkard, or that he refuses to give his consent without good cause, the court may authorise the transfer without his consent.

     4. Any married woman may sue and be sued in all matters relating to her separate and sole property, or to property which may come to her by testament or descent, or as the gift of any person except her husband, in the same manner as if she were sole. She may also bring suit, and maintain in her own name for damages; and such damages, if obtained, shall be her sole property.

     5. Contracts made by the wife shall not be binding on the husband, nor vice versa.

     6. Every woman is declared to be the guardian of her children, jointly with her husband, with equal powers, rights and duties in regard to them.

     7. At the decease of husband or wife, leaving no minor child or children, the survivor shall hold, possess and enjoy a life estate in one-third of all the real estate of which the husband or wife died seized.

     8. At the decease of a husband or wife intestate, leaving a minor child or children, the survivor shall hold, possess and enjoy all the real estate of which the husband or wife died seized; and all the rents, issues and profits thereof, during the minority of the youngest child, and one-third thereof during his or her natural life. [112]

     "Such," adds the Century, "are the provisions of this excellent law—as it may be considered, since it is sure to receive the Governor's signature," &c., &c.

     In the winter of 1861 I lectured in Massilon, Ohio. [114] A dozen women of the audience had gathered around me on the spacious platform in interested discussion when up thro the aisle of the empty hall came half a dozen young men faces and eyes aglow with repressed humor, foremost was a youth grave, beardless, buttoned up, gloved, crowned with a stove-pipe hat & swinging a cane evidently a volunteer leader of the younger and very good-looking, respectable, youth, apparently grown in healthy conditions of sun, air and home love. I took in the picture & its meaning at a glance. I turned to the ["]What can I do for you, Sir. Would you like some of my tracts?["] "No madam. I understand you have been advocating women's voting?" "Yes. Have you any objections?" "Yes, women ain't capable of understanding politics. They're mental facts are inferior to men." "Perhaps Sir, you are right. But it is a principle nat[ural]. philosophy that the stream cannot rise higher than the fountain. Now how can boys inherit more intellect than the mothers have to give for both inherit from fathers also?"

     "How can the old better serve the young than by imparting lessons of wisdom themselves have learned in the search for life's desirable"—

     Not much can be said in the Album's page. But I remember a few lines written in my own by a man of middle age for whom I had a great respect that often recurred to me especially in the early years—to shape my conclusions and directing my acts—for which I see increased as years pass I feel increased value. These were the words— "Remember it's the little fox that spoils the vine" & this was his application—small cares, petty worries & petty aims harrass and belittle the soul & prevent a luscious fruitage of worthy enjoyments. Great trials, bereavements & disappointments to overcome are powers of endurance and energies increase our powers to cope with the stern realities of life and if we resort to the health of faith we emerge into an atmosphere purer, brighter & more invigorating than before.

     After one of my lectures in Ohio, in 1861, my attention was directed to a bright boy of 8 years whose mother had recently died, possessed in her own right of a valuable farm inherited during her second or last marriage. Under the laws of that State, her husband, step-father to the boy, controlled the estate during her life and at her decease became entitled to its use during his life as "tenant in curtesy." [116] The stepfather, a man some 35 years of age, sold his "life interest" in the estate at her decease and left the State—and the boy unprovided for!

     The child had no kinsfolk, but a friend of his parents took him in with his own children and saved him from the poor house. If he outlives his young step-father, the boy will come into possession of his mother's property. The State to enrich the man had paupered the helpless boy! Every mother who reads this will feel in her soul the reflected agony of the mother who with an ample property could not protect the necessaries of life to her only child. For all that the world knew this man had been a kind husband and kind to the child. Perhaps, as she could do no[t] otherwise, the dying mother trusted to his continued kindness and care. [117]

     Having promised friends at different points in Wisconsin, Ohio, and Illinois, [119] where I have been spending the winter to communicate in reference to the needs and relief supplies of Kansas. [120] I have availed myself of the opportunity to spend a few days at Atchison, where I am kindly welcomed to every department connected with this subject. [121]

     Economy of time and labor suggests your columns as furnishing the widest and speediest means of communication. Some fifteen clerks are employed from dawn to late hours at night in receiving and distributing, posting and reporting, besides the labor of Mrs. [Lucy Gaylord] Pomeroy [122] and others in the General's family. There is no time for waste words; everything works by rule, from the little post-boy to the "General" head of the whole operation.

     Mrs. Pomeroy gives her entire energies to the work. Three times a day the mail matter is brought to her from the Post Office. She opens and reads each letter, while a lady assistant, with pen in hand, makes memoranda of name and address, and contents to be noted or acknowledged. These letters are then assorted with reference to contents, and passed to clerks of the several departments, and such as require the General's own attention, are retained and placed in his hands, or read to him by Mrs. P., who again takes orders as to their disposition, replies, &c. All express packages of money are received and opened by Gen. P. All remittances by mail are received and acknowledged by Mrs. P. in her home department. I have just returned from visiting the warehouses, piled up with stores, coming and going like the manna that fed the Israelites. Grain for seed and for consumption, flour, beans and dried fruit, with groceries, medicines, garden seeds and clothing, are seen in apparent abundance, and yet the demand is greater in some departments than the supply.

     Many teams go empty away for want of seed grain, which has been slow in getting here. But a large quantity is being freighted. If only freight facilities were equal to the pressing necessity of the season! Many have put in their wheat, and more would have been in had the seed been on hand. Supplies have each their own separate department, with capable and faithful clerks to fill orders, &c. Gen. P. occupies a central office, a prisoner from "early to late," to the representations of the starving hosts of Kansas. From the railroad and river crossing opposite, we have a full view of teams, warehouses, and the General's office, with its crowd of applicants outside waiting their turn to be heard.

     In company with a friend, I got a seat inside the General's office. The General stood on his rude counter, calling from a paper in his hand the names of counties, towns and neighborhoods, where applications had been passed upon, each in their order. A clerk at his side read and delivered the orders as called for, to the applicants of the several sections, who left gladly to load their waiting teams with bread and clothing for loved ones, perhaps ready to perish.

     When the orders of successful applicants are disposed of, fresh applications are received. A person looking and listening in such a crowd as was here assembled, has little need to ask after the needs of the population represented. Men with clothing just falling in tatters from their limbs, others with pants made of the stout "seamless" grain sacks; others with garments parti-colored, and others still indicating that feminine clothing has been converted into covering for the messengers of the naked and the hungry—and all exhibiting that pinched and anxious look born of recent suffering or stern conflict with privation. Familiarity with such scenes soon settles a leaden weight upon heart and brain, benumbing both, and sending one mechanically on the round of supply duty.

     Another feature of this suffering, as it appeals powerfully for dried fruits, I may not pass without the word "in season." Dr. [John W.] Robinson, [123] Secretary of State, who—it may not be known to many of your readers—is an experienced physician, left here a few days since, after spending some days in familiar intercourse with the applicants for relief. He reports that three out of four are affected with the scurvy, some to the extent that their teeth could be taken out with the fingers. I shrink from the almost certain sickness which threatens the exhausted physical energies of this people when the labor and the heat of the coming season shall press upon them. But I must close with an expression of hearty sympathy in the spirit and general tone of your paper, and hearty thanks for its championship of suffering Kansas.

     No brief and hasty tribute from the friends who knew her best, and loved her most, can do justice to the strength, purity and practical benevolence of her character. It was true of her, that she "did with her might what her hand found to do." Much was certainly due to the opportunities of her position; but to me it seemed more the qualities of her womanly heart that found so much and so varied work in the cause of humanity.

     Rarely do we find combined the persistency, the efficiency, and denial of self with which she ministered purely human needs. And few are they who have left so bright a record of faithful and judicious friendship, who have developed the quick sympathy, keen sense of justice, and high moral courage, which made her an impartial critic, and the advocate of those who could not defend themselves.

     The opportunity comes not to many men in a generation to impress themselves on the grateful memory of a whole people; to woman, fewer still. Our friend was one of the royal few whom opportunity crowned, and found worthy of the sacred trust.

     Her influence was largely felt in aid of religious and educational efforts.

     She cheered the despondent, assured the doubtful, and comforted the unfortunate. Her field of usefulness continued to widen and extend as the good Providence of God and human needs met in her faithful hands.

     The year 1860 was remarkable in Kansas history. The rains of heaven were withheld, and the fields yielded no increase. Early in September it became apparent that nothing short of abundant supplies from the benevolence of the free States could save Kansas from depopulation, by migration on the one hand, or starvation on the other. Long trains of settlers, accompanied by their farm stock, blocked the travelled routes, seeking permanent or temporary homes and subsistence in adjoining States. Individuals and families freighted the great thoroughfares to throw themselves on the kindness of friends in some distant localities, or to labor where there was "bread enough and to spare." All over Kansas were vacant homes, telling of an invader more terrible than "border ruffians," backed by a semi-traitorous administration. To those who could not retreat, the heavens prophesied a winter of despair, sickness and starvation. [136]

     It was at this crisis of affairs that meetings of the people were called, and a 'general relief agency' formed, to which Mr. [Samuel C.] Pomeroy was unanimously elected, with full power to solicit, receive and disburse contributions, to meet the general destitution. [137] The choice was a happy one. Mr. Pomeroy's experience as agent of emigration obviated all delay, and he was able at once to collect and put the requisite agencies in working order. Such was the magnitude of the suffering eventually revealed and ministered to, through this organization, that to the latest period of our history it will excite wonder and gratitude, that so great a calamity as would have been the depopulation of Kansas was averted.

     In reviewing briefly the agencies employed by Mr. Pomeroy, we detract nothing from the merit of his great services in giving his noble wife the credit of having been equal to the position she held as his ever-present helper in the good work. The agency doubtless owed its singular efficiency to the admirable fitness of the 'united head.' If either of the parties had been wanting in this emergency, it is more than probable that much of the comfort which clung as a sweet aroma to the distributed gifts on the one hand, and the substantial encouragement which accompanied the means of future harvests on the other, would have been lacking to the completeness of this great benevolence. But the facts of Mrs. Pomeroy's life, on which our estimate of her capability and her worth i