KanColl: The Kansas
Historical Quarterlies

A Southerner's Viewpoint
of the Kansas Situation, 1856-1857

The Letters of
Lieut. Col. A. J. Hoole, C.S.A. [1]


Kansas Historical Quarterly
February, 1934 (Vol. 3, No. 1), pages 43 to 56
Transcribed by lhn; additional HTML by Susan Stafford;
digitized with permission of the Kansas State Historical Society.

Kansas City, Missouri, Apl. 3d., 1856
My Dear Brother [2]

     HERE I am after two weeks travelling, and not in Kansas Territory yet, but it is only 1½ miles off, and I can see into it. I feel a good deal tired of travelling, and we have concluded to rest here until to-morrow, when we will take the stage for Lawrence City, by way of Westport. After we get to Lawrence, I don't know where we will go, but I rather think we will go to Whitfield, a few miles north of Kansas river.

     It has cost me over $102 to get here, besides about $25 which I have spent for necessaries, &c. We have been quite well since we left-with the exception of one day that I had a headache and fever, caused .I guess from losing so much sleep, and the fatigue of travelling. We did not get to Nashville until Sunday evening; we left that place Monday about 12 o'clock and went down the Cumberland river on the steamer City of Huntsville to Cairo, at the



junction of the Mississippi and the Ohio rivers, where we changed boats and went up to St. Louis, Mo., where we arrived Friday morning about 8 o'clock. We remained there about two hours, in which time I purchased a six-shooter for $20, and some other things. We then changed boats and sailed up the Missouri river to this place. The boats travel very slow up this river at this time, as it is very low and swift.

     I have seen none of the country except along the banks of the river, which is, with very little exceptions, nothing but lofty, rugged rocks, sometimes two or three hundred feet high. It was quite a sight to me at first, but I got very tired of looking at them. I saw thousands of wild geese in the Missouri river; I shot at them once about 200 yards, and of course missed. I saw duck also in abundance.

     Wherever I have been able to see any land besides the rocky shores of the rivers, they, or rather it, appeared to be very rich, and I was told by some of the Missourians that it was much better off from the river. We entered the prairie country before we came to timber again

     The banks of the river were low and I could see for miles, but there were houses scattered all over the prairie. I fell in company with a young man who had just married, from Georgia, who said he was going to Kansas, but there were other families along from Georgia, who were going to Missouri, and when they left the boat about 60 miles from here, he left with them and I was not sorry for it, as I did not fancy him much; neither did I fancy his wife. I would have but little to do with them-one objection I had to him was, he drank liquor.

     The Missourians (all of whom I have conversed with, with the exception of one who, by the way, I found out to be an Abolitionist) are very sanguine about Kansas being a slave state & I have heard some of them say it shall be. I have met with warm reception from two or three, but generally speaking, I have not met with the reception which I expected. Everyone seems bent on the Almighty Dollar, and as a general thing that seems to be their only thought. There was a large box on one of the boats about a week ago coming up the river, which some of the Missourians thought contained Sharp's Rifles, so they sent a deputation to its destination, which was at this place, to have it opened. When they arrived here the person to whom it was consigned refused to let them open it, whereupon they opened it by force-when lo! it contained nothing but


a piano. There was a box containing a cannon which a confounded Yankee opened, but closed it up again before any of them could examine it, saying that it was nothing but some cartwheels. His daughter-in-law told me this this morning, hesitatingly, as if her father-in-law had done a smart trick. If she had been a man, I don't know what I should have said, but she was a pretty young woman.

     Well, dear brother, the supper bell has rung, so I must close. Give my love to [the immediate family] and all the Negroes. Excuse bad writing for I am very nervous. I am anxious to hear from home . . . direct to Lawrence City, Kansas Territory, as I shall leave word there for my letters to be forwarded to whatever place I go. Your ever affectionate brother,


Douglas City, K. T., Apl. 14th., 1856
My Dear Mother [3]

     I came to this place last Saturday, after staying at that nasty Abolition town of Lawrence for a week. This is called a City, but there are only four little log houses in it, but it is laid out into lots for a town, and I expect one day it will be. The capital, Lecompton, is two miles from here, but they are going to build the state university at this place. It is situated close on the Kansas river, and I consider it the prettiest site for a town in the Territory.

     I have been quite well with the exception of colds since I have been in the Territory. Betsie [4] is not very well to-day, but she is well enough to be writing a letter . . . . We are boarding with a very excellent family named Ellison. The old gentleman is the most enthusiastic Proslavery man I have met with.

     I have not been able to get into any business yet, although a man wanted me to work on a house for him in Lecompton last week, at $2 a day, but I could not get board in the place, and as the job would last but a few days, I did not set it. They are wanting a school in Lecompton but I have not been able to make it up. The fact is, the people here seem to be so taken up with politics, that they can't take time to think of hardly anything else. There is a school wanting here at Douglas, but there is a young fellow from Georgia, who was ahead of me, but I am under the impression that he will not succeed, as there seems to be a sort of split in the neighborhood. If he fails, they say they will make up a good school for me. If I


don't succeed in getting a school, I will go at the carpenter's trade which will pay, by-the-bye, better, but as I prefer teaching, even if I make less, I shall try that first as it will be a permanent business and in the other I may sometimes be out of employment, unless I were a good mechanic. I don't think I will ever like this country. The timber is too scarce, but the land is very rich-any of it will make from fifty to a hundred bushels of corn to the acre; but then the wind is always blowing, sometimes so hard that a man can hardly keep his hat on his head. I don't intend to preempt land, for all the claims worth having are already taken up, but if I like it well enough when the land comes in market, as there will be thousands who will not be able to pay for their claims, I will then buy a place. But I don't think I will ever like this country well enough to settle here, and I don't think, or at least I am afraid, it will be never be made a slave state, and if it is not, I will not live here on any conditions.

     I was introduced to the Governor last Thursday. He seems to be a very friendly sort of man, but I don't think he is very smart. He seemed to take a good deal of interest in me, and was very anxious that I should get board in Lecompton, but I was unable to do so.

     My dear Mother, you need not be afraid . . . . This is a very good neighborhood. We are boarding with a good clever Methodist family. The circuit-rider stayed here last night. I had formed a very poor opinion of the morality of the Territory when I was at Lawrence, but I find the people up this way fare better. At Lawrence almost everyone I met was profane, but here it is quite different. I have not made use of an oath since I have been in the Territory, and I don't intend to be guilty of that practice any more if I can help it. Betsie makes me read the Bible sometimes, and I intend, when I can rent a house and go to ourselves, which I hope to do soon, to read it regularly.

     The people in this Territory have very poor houses, generally built of logs with rock chimneys. The one we are boarding in is three log houses built in a row-the middle one of which is the kitchen where the Negroes stay. They have four or five Negroes. If we stay here this summer, we will have plenty of ice as Mr. Ellison has put up a good deal of it.

     The people here are just fixing to plant their crops. Trees are put out about like they were when we left Darlington. The nights here are still quite cool, but I have not seen frost for some time. Write me all the news, every little particular will be interesting to me . . . . Your ever affectionate son,



Douglas City, K. T., Apl. 27th., 1856
My Dear Brother

     I am still boarding at the above mentioned place with Mr. Elison and paying $3 a week apiece for myself and wife, but I have sent to Missouri for provisions which I expect here in a day or two, when I will go to housekeeping. I have two houses which I can rent, one of which we are occupying to sleep in. It is about a hundred yards from Mr. Elison's, where I eat. I commenced working at the carpenter's trade last Monday-I tried to get a school, but failed to get one worth my notice, so I concluded on the whole it was best for me to get, at something else, and as a trade pays better than anything else, I went at the carpenter's. The man I am working with is giving from $1.75 to $2.25 a day, but could not tell me what he would give me, but said that we would not fall out about the price, until he could determine what I was worth. I intended to have made him set a price yesterday, but it rained so that I could not go to work. To-morrow we will come to an understanding. I shall stand out for $2 a day, as I think that I am worth that, at the rate of everything else here. I have a long walk every day to and from my work, about two & a half miles. My work is in Lecompton, the capital, above Douglas.

     I have no fun here. Game is scarce. Mr. Elison's son killed a pelican in the river yesterday morning. I went out late in the evening and killed two squirrels, which is the first thing of any kind I have killed since I have been here. They catch cat-fish in the river here that weigh from 10 to 100 lbs., but I have not seen any yet. A man caught one yesterday morning that weighed 20 lbs.

     I still don't like this country, and I don't care how soon it is admitted as a state. The Governor sent the sheriff to take some men in Lawrence last Saturday (yesterday week) and the Lawrenceites rescued the prisoner from him. The sheriff came and reported to the Governor, who sent him back with four other men, but they also failed. The Governor then sent a dispatch to the fort for some soldiers; they came on Tuesday, and with the sheriff went to Lawrence on Wednesday and succeeded in taking six prisoners, but as they had not the most important one, they concluded that they would stay there all night. In the night the sheriff (Jones) with two or three other men went out of the tent to get some water, and while drawing it, the sheriff was shot at, the ball passing through his pantaloons behind his leg. They went into the tent, when a


man came in pretending to be drunk. Jones told him to go out, that they had no use for him there. Then he left walking as steady and apparently as sober as any man. About five minutes after, Jones was shot through the tentcloth in the back, the ball entering near the backbone just below the shoulder blade. Jones drew his bowie knife, and attempted to rise, but could not. I hear that he was not dead last Friday evening, but there was very little hope for him. I have sent . . . a circular giving the particulars of the case, which you can get and read. Colonel Sumner [5] was encamped on the north side of the Kansas river on Friday with 200 regular soldiers, opposite Lawrence. He is there, he says, to prevent a fight between the Proslavery and the Abolitionists, and I hear that he says the moment he leaves, there are hundreds of Proslavery men ready to march against Lawrence. There are scouting parties of Proslavery men out every night since Jones was shot. The Lawrenceites have threatened the life of Governor Shannon [6] and several other Proslavery men. An attempt was made to burn the house of a Proslavery man, about a mile from here, on night before last, and a parcel went there last night to stand guard. The owner (Mr. Clark) is in Missouri, but his wife is at home. The same house was fired last fall, but was discovered soon enough to be put out. I don't expect anything else but a fight before long-the excitement is too great, and if Jones dies, it will be greater. You must get the circular which I have sent . . . . and read it . . . That will give you a better idea of the state of feeling here than I can give, as it expresses the opinion and feelings of every Proslavery man.

     Jerry Vann came to Lecompton yesterday was a week ago. He is trying to make up a school there, and I believe has succeeded in getting nearly twenty scholars at $1 per scholar a month, but he has to build a schoolhouse, and has to pay $3.50 a week for board, so he will not make much clear money. Vann says he left Parrott at Leavensworth. House got off the boat at Independence, Mo., and Vann says he would not be surprised if House has not gone on to California, but I hope not.

     You must write to me and tell me all the news about everything.


You don't know how anxious I am to hear from home. I have not heard a word since I left, except what Vann told me, which was in a manner nothing- Tell me everything about people, farm, hogs, dogs, and everything else. Give my love to Mother, Sister, and all the Negroes, and my most sincere regards to all my friends. Tell Mother not to fret herself about me . . . I don't intend to risk myself to danger unnecessarily, but if my party needs my assistance, I will not shrink from what I consider my duty.

     I subscribe myself, your ever affectionate brother till death,


Douglas, K. T., May 17, 1856.
Dear Major [7]

     The general feature of this part of the country is a rolling prairie, with no timber of any kind except along the rivers, creeks, and ravines, and [the] bottomland is heavily timbered with walnut, oak, hickory, ash, cottonwood, elm lyn [sic], &c. The creeks and ravines have the same but not so large and thick; the hillsides are all lime rocks, the soil very rich. The soil of the prairie appears to be very rich but it requires from 3 to 6 yoke of oxen to break it up, but after broken, no trouble to tend. The bottomlands are very spongy and mellow, but it takes 2 or 3 yoke of oxen to break it up; it is said to produce 8 or 10 barrels (40 or 50 bu.) per acre without cultivating. No corn, or very little, planted yet. If they can plant by the 1st. June, they will make a good crop. The sweet [sic] grows well here. The grass is from 6 to 8 inches the whole face of the prairie where I am, on the Kansas river, from 12 to 15 miles. The cattle are very fine. A gentleman near me has one cow, and his wife churns twice a day. They have 5 in the family and a good deal of company. He gives me as much milk and butter as I want, then gives milk to his pigs. There are but few hogs here, but what are here look well and in fine shape. The horses are very inferior; they give them but little corn, and sometimes a little salt.

     I expect it will be a great country some day; it is cold though, and the water is bad. They use river water mostly, those who live near the river. Some use the water in the ravines in wet weather; in dry weather the water stands in holes among the rocks, settles, and becomes very clear, but tastes of lime.

     The prospects for making money is dull, a good mechanic can get


from $2 to $2.50 per day, but he will have to spend it to live on. Board and everything else is very high. Board is from $3 to $5.50 per week, no washing at that, coarse fare . . . and have to lie on a comfort or blanket on the floor; there are but few beds in the country as yet. Lumber is from $2.50 to $4 per hundred feet and very inferior. I worked at carpenter's trade for $1.75 a day. For a man to come here to farm it would require from $500 to $1000 to commence. You will have to give the settlers for land from $300 to $1000-and then pay the government price for it. when it comes into market.

     There is no game but a few squirrels, and they are scarce, and no fish of any account. One of my neighbours caught a catfish that weighed 20 or 25 lbs., but I did not see it. All provisions are high, except milk and butter. Flour, $12 a barrell, bacon 8½ to 12¢, mollasses 80¢ gal., coffee 162/3¢ lb., salt 3½¢ lb., so you will have to spend all you can make to live on. No scouring is done for want of water. When it rains your feet are stuck so full of mud you can scarcely walk.

     The place where I am living is called Douglas City. It has only 5 or 6 houses in it, and they are log houses. It is laid out for a town in lots, and is the place selected for the state university. It is a prettier place than Lecompton where they are building the State House, which is only 2 miles above this place, on the river. Timber is more plentiful at Douglas than at Lecompton, and a better landing for boats, when they should run this river. One has gone to Fort Riley, 100 miles above here. Kansas river is broad but shallow, full of sand bars which makes navigation difficult. Lawrence is the headquarters of the Abolitionists of this Territory.

Yours truly, A. J. Hoole.

Douglas, K. T., May 18th., 1856
My dearly Beloved Sister [8]

     I rec'd a letter from Mr. Cooper . . . which was dated four days before yours. They had both been written nearly a month before I got them, which I attribute to their being directed to Lawrence. I had left place, but when I left it I gave the P. M. my name with directions to forward my letters to Lecompton, but he neglected to do so until I wrote to him.


     The seed of sweet potatoes is almost lost in this Ter. & also in Mo. & other northwestern states. You did not tell me whether you had moved into the new house or not. Do tell me whenever you write to me all such news as that.

     You say the Negroes don't forget me in their prayers. Thank them a thousand times for me, and beg them always to remember me when they render up their petitions to Him who rules and governs all things. I feel that I need the prayers of everyone. Tell Stin when he writes to tell me about everybody, everything, dogs, hogs, cows, horses, and chickens and everything-leave nothing out, for anything from Old Darlington will interest me.

     And now dear sister, I suppose you would like for me to tell you something of myself, &c. Well, I have been working at carpenters trade for three weeks, until last Thursday when the man I was working for got out of lumber and had no work for coarse workmen like me, so he discharged all of us except those who could do fine work. I was getting $1.75 per day. I made lacking 25 cts. of $30 in what time I worked. But you may depend upon it, I earned every cent I got, for I had to walk about three miles, work eleven hours, and then walk back at night. I was, you may say, exercising fifteen hours of the hardest kind every day. Sometimes I felt like I would give out before I could get home at night. I was sick Friday and Saturday a week ago, and so lost two days, which I attribute to overworking. I was also unwell yesterday and the day before, but if I had had anything to do, I believe I should have worked. I engaged to work for a man near me, but I hear he is bad pay and I believe I will back out. Betsie has been unwell for two or three days, and I fear that she is worse off than she pretends she is. She said she was a good deal better when she first got up this morning, but just as I commenced writing this, she came in and lay down and said she felt worse again.

     We are living to ourselves and considering the house, very pleasantly. Betsie cooks, but we hire a Negroe to do our washing at $2 a month. Betsie is a first rate cook. We have meal, flour, bacon (ham shoulder and sides) lard, butter, molasses, sugar, coffee, besides milk (butter milk and sweet milk) as much as we want, whenever we go after it. So you can guess whether we have enough to eat or not.

     I pay $2 a month for house rent, but I think that it is cheaper to live to ourselves and keep house than to board out, for the lowest we can board at is $3 a week apiece, and I am certain it is much more pleasant.


     Major Beaufort [9] [sic] has arrived in the Ter. with 4 or 500 men. Beaufort himself is now at Mr. Ellison's, my nearest neighbor. I have not seen him yet, but I heard that he said he intended to call on me. Col. Treadwell [10] who came with him was at Mr. Ellison's one night last week. I called on him. He is a very gentlemanly man; he is a brother-in-law of Bertram. I felt like I had met an old friend when I met him. We talked very little though, for we had but little time that night. The next day he came to where I was working at Lecompton, but did not stay long with me as I expect he thought he was hindering me from my work.

     I wrote a long letter to Warley yesterday, which I expect he will publish in the Flag. If he does not, you must get Stin or Mr. Cooper to get it from him and read it as I have written a good deal to him which I would have written to you, if I had not thought that you would learn it all. It is mostly on political matters. While I am writing, guns are firing in the camps of the different companies of soldiers who are gathering to attack Lawrence. Sunday as it is, they are shooting in every direction. I expect before you get this Lawrence will be burnt to the ground. I may not know when it will be attacked, but if I do, I expect to go-although I don't think that they will show any fight, though they are preparing. But I hear they are very much frightened and have sent to the Governor for protection, but he sent word to them that they did not consider him their Governor and would not submit to the laws, so he would leave them to their fate. But all of this you will see more fully in the letter I have written to Warley, so I will now close this. Do write soon and often to me . . . . Your Affectionate Brother, Axalla.

Douglas, K. T., June the 1st., 1856
My Dear Beloved Mother

     I received a letter from Sister yesterday . . . and I am glad to hear that Stin is getting along so well with the crop, and that your prospects for fruit are so promising. We will have no fruit here, as there are no fruit trees: strawberries are the only fruit we will have. They are all about on the prairie and are getting ripe. Though wild, they are the same as our tame strawberries at home,


but not so large and fine, though they need only cultivation to make them so. The people here are not done planting corn yet. The gardens are very backward; just enough mustard for spring greens.

     I am determined to make a living while I stay in this Territory, and I turn my hand to anything that I can make money at. I have had to lay out so much money for necessaries to keep house on, that for all I have made since I have been here, my purse is reduced to about $140, but then my heaviest expenses are over for the present.

     This would be a good country for one who had money enough to commence farming to live in so far as making a plenty to eat, but it is out of the question to think of making a fortune here for years to come. And with the exception of a plenty to eat, there is nothing else desirable.

     We attended preaching last Sunday at a friend's about a hundred and fifty yards from here. [There] was only one member of the church there, besides Betsie. A very slim congregation & a pretty good, plain, practical sermon, &c. We are getting along smoothly and happily.

     'Tis true there is a great deal of excitement in the Territory, of which I have written an account to Warley to-day, and which, as I feel certain you will see, I shall omit writing to you. But that does not affect me as I am confident of the success of the party to which I belong. Though it grieves me to hear of the outrages which the Abolitionists are committing . . . . Do remember me to all of my friends who enquire about me. Tell all the Negroes howdie and give my love to them. Tell the little Negroes that I often think of them when I see the tubs of buttermilk given to the hogs & dogs.

     My kind neighbour, Mrs. Ellison, never lets me get out of fresh yellow butter, and sometimes we have as much as two saucers of it . . . . Your affectionate Son.

     P. S. I have enclosed three kinds of prairie flowers for Sister. I am living in Douglas, but the P. 0. is at Lecompton, two miles off

Douglas City, K. T., June the 8th, 1856
My Dear Sister

     I wrote to mother a week ago, and now I seat myself to write you a few lines, to let you all know how we are getting on.

     Betsie got a letter from Mr. Cooper yesterday dated May the 19th, which has come quicker than any we have reed yet.

     I was in hopes that I would get a letter from . . . Stin


yesterday but was disappointed. I suppose Stin thinks I don't care to hear from him, but he should think of himself when he was in Alabama, and remember how glad he was to hear every little thing from home.

     These are still exciting times here. You may form some idea of them when I tell you that I never lie down without taking the precaution to fasten my door, and fix it in such a way that if it is forced open, it can be opened only wide enough for one person to come in at a time. I have my rifle, revolver, and old home-stocked pistol where I can lay my hand on them in an instant, besides a hatchet & axe. I take this precaution to guard against the midnight attacks of the Abolitionists, who never make an attack in open daylight, and no Proslavery man knows when he is safe here in this Ter. Some of them go so far as to guard out every night. There are three families of us here in a hundred yards of each other, with seven men in the three families, so that if no more than a dozen or fifteen comes at once, we will be able to stand our hand pretty well. From past experience, they can't stand with even two to one. In an attack which they made on the little town of Franklin, about 12 miles from here, one night last week, six Proslavery men guarded cannon against a company of the rascals, variously estimated at from 50 to 1,500. Five out of the six were wounded; one of them dangerously, the ball passing through his body.

     We hear so much news about attacks, depredations, &c., that I can scarcely believe, or at least tell what to believe. All accounts are generally exaggerated, but still there is still some foundation for them. Well, my dear Sister, I must lay my pen aside for a while, as it is time for me to go to preaching about a hundred yards from here. ½ after 10 o'clock

     ½ after 1 P. M. Well, my dear Sister, I have been to preaching and heard a rather poor preaching from the text: I came not to destroy men's lives but to save them. Quite a small congregation as usual.

     I also heard some more news while at preaching. A man by the name of Taylor (a lawyer) was there. He was taken prisoner at Lawrence last night by the Abolitionists, robbed of $80, money that he had collected for some one in Kansas City, Mo., kept under guard all night, and set at liberty this morning. He reports that they were about to hang him, had the rope around his neck, but on his giving a Masonic sign, a Mason in the crowd would not let them hang him. I will not vouch for the truth of this, as this man


is one who's veracity is somewhat doubted-but then it may be in substance true.

     Well, my dear Sister, I believe that I have written all that I can think of that would interest you, except political news, which I intend to write to Warley & which you will be able to get from the Flag, as I guess he will publish it. Betsie has sent you a bud of the wild rose which are quite plentiful here . . . we have a good many strawberries here growing about on the prairies. I see some ripe at this moment only a few feet from the window where I am writing.

Your affectionate Brother, Axalla.

Douglas, K. T., June the 8th., 1856
Dear Cousin Mary, [11]

     I believe I have written to all the rest of the family, so I will now write to you.

     I hope you have a good garden this year-I understand the seasons have been fine. People here are just setting out plants, and the gardens look very backward, which I attribute to negligence, as I am certain that the weather was warm enough long before they commenced planting. Some of the farmers are hardly done planting corn yet.

     I expect if you were here, you would go into spasms, everything is so dirty. It is almost useless to scour the floor, for the first rain that comes, it gets smeared all over with mud. I have not seen a scouring broom since I have been here. All the cleaning the floor gets is with the common sweeping broom, that is bought out of the store.

     We live in a little log house with the floor almost six inches off of the ground. It don't leak at all, for whenever it rains, it just pours down, and wets everything; that is the time we take to wash the floors, as we are saved the trouble of bringing water.

     We have very fine neighbors, just as kind as they can be. Two of the ladies, one a married lady & the other a widowed sister (an Oddfellow's widow at that) came here this morning and brought Betsie a plate of nice yellow butter, enough to fill nearly one of those 12½¢ bowls. As for milk they tell us to come after it whenever we want it-so you see we live well. But I tell you, Cousin Mary, I don't like this country at all, though the people tell me that if I stay here a year or two, I will not be satisfied to live in


Darlington any more. It is a rich country and that is about all that can be said in its favor.

     There is great excitement in the Ter. now. The Abolitionists are committing great depredations on the Proslavery party, killing at night, &c., & the Governor is endeavoring to keep the Proslavery party from retaliating. But I expect you will hear enough of this in the other letters which I write home to the men folks.

     Give my love to . . . all enquiring friends; tell . . .all the negroes howdie for me . . . write down all the news and keep it for me to read when I come back . . . . If any of the girls ask you about me, tell them I love them yet, if I am married. Your Affectionate Cousin, A. J. H.

     P. S. We have circuit preaching here today & regularly every other Sunday.

Douglas, K. T., Sunday June the 22nd 1856
My Dear Sister

     I have seated myself to write you a few lines; I will not promise you a long letter as I don't think I can find much to write that would be interesting to you, but perhaps I may fill a sheet before I close . . . . We are getting along about in the same style. Both of us are quite well. I have been out of employment for the last two weeks. I had been working for a man, but after doing $21 worth of work for him, I found out that he was slow pay, so I quit.

     I wrote to Cousin Billy last Friday . . . . I wish when you see him, that you would correct a mistake which I wrote to him. Tell him that the last of the two outrages which I mentioned to him is altogether wrong so far as parties are named, [and] that if he will place Buford's men in the place of Abolitionists, and freesoiler in place of Proslavery man, he will have it right. Some of the men b[r]ought out by Buford are acting rascally. They are robbing and plundering and don't always confine themselves to Abolitionists, but rob and plunder everyone that falls in their way. They came for nothing else.

     Gov. Shannon has resigned his commission as Gov. of the Ter. and his time will expire on the 1st. of July.

     It is thought by some that there will be a general outbreak of the Abolitionists here about the 4th., as there is a large body expected from Michigan about that time. But I hope not. Times have been


pretty quiet here for the past two weeks. I have quit preparing for midnight attacks, and sleep soundly and securely.

     I went fishing yesterday and caught a fish that weighed about a pound and a half, called here a hickory shad. The man who went with me caught a pretty good catfish, both of which I took. Ate the shad this morning for breakfast, & Betsie is cooking the cat for dinner. I saw a man catch a buffalo that would weigh about 10 lbs., and another man had one to the top of the water that he thought would weigh 20 lbs. The buffalo is very much like the redhorse.

     There is a quarterly meeting at Lecompton today, but I did not go, not having a horse.

     Leonadas King's son, who came out here from Eufala, [Alabama], with Major Buford, left for home last Wednesday. He first thought of going by Darlington, but finally concluded to go directly home. He was pretty sick of the Ter., I tell you, as I presume a great many others are. I among the rest. My only hope of getting pay for coming here lies in the hope of preempting a piece of the Delaware reserve, when it is treated for, and selling it again.

     -I laid my pen aside to eat dinner and after eating, took a smoke, lay down on the bed, went to sleep, and slept three hours. My catfish was very nice. We had cold coffee, cold biscuit, cold bread, cold boiled ham, a nice saucer of fresh butter, and a nice pitcher of sweet milk. Betsie generally tries to arrange it so as to have very little to cook on Sundays . . . . I bought four hens and a rooster last week and paid $1.25 for them, 25¢ apiece. The very next evening, while I was off at work (two neighbors and I were making a skiff in co. to cross the river with) and Betsie was over at Mr. Ellison's, where she commonly stays when I am off, about 150 yards from here, some one or a cat came and took my rooster. Fortunately, my neighbour from whom I purchased them, had another spare one and gave it to me. Betsie has now seven eggs, tho we have had the chickens only a few days. I hear that Missouri is going to give all of the Southern settlers who are keeping house a cow & calf, that is, those who have none, and provisions to last them a year. They have 300 cows and calves already made up and a quantity of provisions. Mr. Ellison's wagon with three others are now gone to bring up the provisions to Lecompton. I intend to apply for my share, also for the cow. If I get the cow, I will try to buy a couple of shoats, as I will have lots of milk to throw away. All of the hogs here are fat enough to eat, and don't get a grain


of corn. This is a great country for stock. It is a beautiful country in the spring and summer, but looks dreary & desolate in the winter . . . . I saw some of the prettiest corn over the river opposite here yesterday that I ever saw. It was a little over knee high, from three to five stalks in a hill. This is truly a great corn country.

     You must not look for long letters from me, as there is very little here for me to write about, but I shall expect long letters from you, as you know that every little news from home would interest me. Do tell me everything . . . Love to all Your ever affectionate Brother, A. J. H.

Douglas, K. T., June the 29th, 1856
Dear Sir [12]

     I received your very acceptable letter, dated June the 2nd. It is reported here that the Delaware Indians are about treating away a part of their lands, so I and three or four of my friends here went across the river last week to lay our claims. I made two which I intended to make choice of when I could examine them better, but as I am not fully satisfied with either, I intend going back again this week and looking about again. There is some fine land on the Delaware reserve, and if it does come in for preemption, I intend to preempt a claim, pay for it at the government price, make some little improvements on it, and sell, if I can get a price sufficient, then go home to Old Darlington again. I don't think I shall ever like here well enough to make it my home.

     We are to have a great barbecue on the 4th., at Lecompton. I don't know who will be the orator, but it is thought that a Col. Moore [13] will be. I hear that the Yankees are to have a great gathering at Lawrence on that day, and also at Topeka, and it is rumored that their legislature will meet at the latter place then. Governor Shannon, 1 hear, has given Col. Sumner orders to be ready to act in case they do, but they (the Abolitionists) have no Gov. Robinson [14] is still in custody, guarded by Uncle Sam's troops. Some think there will be a general outbreak among the rascals on that


day, as it is reported that there are to be a great many from Michigan and other free states in here at that time, which report, it seems, is about to be sustained, as there were 80 on board one of the boats coming up from Missouri last week, armed with Sharpshooters. But when they reached Lexington, Mo., their arms, at least 60 guns, were taken from them. 20 they threw into the river before they would give them up, and they were sent back to where they came from-not the guns, but the Abolitionists! Hurrah! for the Lexington boys!

     It has been pretty quiet here for some time, though the week before last the agent of the Shawnee Indians, who was an Abolitionist, was killed, and his son wounded. It is not known who committed the deed. The son who escaped says that they were riding horses branded with a U.S., though the men wore citizens clothes. It is thought that he was murdered for his money, as it is generally believed that he had a good deal. There are mare lies told about the affairs of Kansas than a little, and if it were not for the purpose of giving Warley the true state of things, I don't think I would write to him. But I can't bear the idea of the readers of the Flab hearing such erroneous statements as I see copied in it from other papers. I find that Warley can get news from here from other sources sooner than he can from me, but then, what I write is literally true, as I will not state a thing to him as true unless I hear it from good authority.

     The political matter which I have written in this, you may give to him to publish, if he likes, as I don't intend to write to him this week, for I have nothing else to write

Your ever sincere friend, A. J. H.

DOUGLAS, K. T., Augst. the 3d., 1856
My very dear Sister

     You must not think hard of me for not writing to you sooner, for I have so many of you to write to, that it would keep me all the time writing, if I undertook to write each one every week . . . . I am well now, but I can't get back my appetite. I had a very severe attack of the bilious fever . . . . After nine days I took it again, but it was slight, and by taking a little bluemass and some mixture of quinine and some other things which the Dr. left me, I broke it . . . . Our neighbors are very kind, in truth, rather too much so for me, as they make me feel as if I am a trouble to them. They will not even let me bring water for myself, but if they see me go after any, they quarrel with me. This


morning, though I feel strong enough to go after it myself, a boy brought me a pail full by sun up. They all seem to think a great deal of Betsie and myself.

     It is quite cool here this morning; almost cool enough to sit by a fire. We have suffered for rain in this part of the country, but last week we had several fine rains, and as the crops are generally very backward, there is a chance for good crops. Corn is now about tasseling & shooting. Gardens are generally poor. I have not eaten a good mess of vegetables this summer.

     There are fewer snakes here than in Darlington. I have killed four rattlesnakes, three of them had only a button, but the other was a large one with nine rattles. My foot passed within a foot of his head, and he could have bit me with all ease, as I did not see him until I was by him, but they never strike without rattling-he did not rattle.

     There are more insects about the house I live in than a little, crickets, spiders, cockroaches, granddaddies, &c. Yesterday Betsie and I burned and killed about a thousand of the last. They had got so troublesome that they were crawling over us at night; in the day they would 'collect in knots about the house, so I set a newspaper on fire and burned them. One consolation: we are not troubled with bedbugs . . . . There are scarcely any ticks here in the summer, but I am told that in the winter the stock is literally covered with them, in perfect shields, horses, cows, and everything else.

     Plums are just commenced getting ripe . . . . There is no other fruit. Dried apples are worth $3 a bushel here. Watermelons are just getting ripe ...one of my neighbours has some almost as large as my head.

     I have heard of some few claims about 16 miles from here that are not taken up yet. One is said to be a very fine claim, and I intend, as soon as I am able to ride that far, to go and take it up, and not wait for the Delaware lands to come in, as that is uncertain, at least for some time.

     There is very little doing here. Money is scarce; a great many people want work done, but they have no money to pay with. Everyone seems to be resting on his oars, as the saying is. Nothing going on, except among some of the Abolitionists who are doing a good business stealing horses from Proslavery men. One of my neighbours (Mr. Elison) lost a very fine horse which he has been offered $135 for, which is a pretty big price for Kansas.


     The Missourians are going to send 300 head of milk caws into the Ter. for the benefit of Southern immigrants. I was told the other day by one who is to have the distributing of them when they come, to come and pick me out one. Every Proslavery man who is keeping house and has no cow is entitled to one. Some men have gone after them now.

     Well, my dear sister, I believe I have told you everything that I can think of that would interest you . . . . Betsie sends her love to you all . . . . Write soon to one who loves you dearly.

Your affectionate brother, Axalla.

Lecompton, K. T., Augst. 27, 1856
My dear Sister

     I rec'd yours of the 5th. inst. last week, but as you complain that none of you had read a letter from me in five or six weeks, and I had written to some one in Darlington every week with the exception of the last two, I have came to the conclusion that it is almost useless to write, as I feel pretty well satisfied that my letters Never get out of the Ter., no, nor out of this county but are stopped in Lawrence; but I shall however make one more attempt, hoping that it may be overlooked and pass through-

     You see from the heading that I am now in Lecompton. Last night two weeks ago the Abolitionists, about 250 or 300 strong attacked the little town of Franklin, or rather one house in the place in which there were 14 men (Proslavery). They demanded the arms of these 14 men which were refused, when they commenced firing upon the house, and, after a short time, were repulsed, but rallied and came again, [and] were repulsed the second time. Then they set fire to a load of hay and rolled it against an adjoining house (the post office) when the 14 cried for quarter. Nearly all of the 14 made their escape without receiving a single wound, but of the Abolitionists, 32 were killed and wounded, 7 or 8 killed.

     A few days after an army of 400 of the Murderers went to attack Col. Treadwell, who was making a settlement about 20 miles south of this, but he, hearing of their approach, abandoned his post and made his escape. Treadwell had only about 50 men and no ammunition. He sent to Lecompton for help and 18 started, but hearing that he had left, they turned back. On their return they fell into an ambuscade of the Abolitionists about 250 strong, but charged through them without losing a man, and only two were wounded slightly. The next morning the same band of villains at-


tacked the house of Col. Titus [15] about 11 miles from here. Titus has 18 men, and after fighting with small arms for half an hour, they turned loose their cannon on his house and battered it down over his head. They took him and most of his men prisoners, after fighting to the last. Titus lost only one man killed, and himself and one more wounded. They were carried to Lawrence and after a few days were exchanged. Titus is from Florida and is a very brave man. On the morning the attack was made on Titus, the news came that 800 men were coming against Douglas, so we, 8 in number with our families, crossed over the river, but they did not come. The next day we returned, but not feeling safe there we came (after a few days) to this place, which has about 750 regulars to guard it. There are three families of us living in one house. There is a great deal of excitement here, but how long it will last no one can tell. Mo. is sending in men to help us, and it is high time they had come. This contest will decide the fate of Kansas and the Union. Lane [16] is in the Ter. with a force of from 1500 to 2500 men. Gov. Shannon has resigned and the new governor has not come on, so the Lieut. Gov. Woodson [17] is now the acting Gov.- I don't know what will be the plan of the present campaign, as the officers keep it a secret.

     Betsie is well, but I have [had] slight fevers every day, for the last three or four days, caused, I guess, from excitement and standing guard . . . . I don't think you need be uneasy about me


here as the regulars will guard this place, but if there is any fighting to be done, I intend to pitch in.

     Before we left Douglas a posse of the Abolitionists (seven in number) came and demanded some arms that Gen'l Clarke [18] had left there. There was no one at home, but a Mr. Browne & myself, who were both puney, besides the women. Clarke's guns had been removed but there were nine other guns all loaded in a log house which we had fixed up as a fort. When I ascertained what they had come for, I went to that house and stood in the door, after first waking up Mr. Browns, with my pistol in my pocket and my thumb on the hammer. I was determined that they should not have the guns, let the consequences be what they might. One of the men rode up to the door and demanded Clarke's guns. I told him they were not there, and after receiving the same reply from several of the family, and invited by Mrs. Ellison to come in and search, they left. It was my intention, if they undertook to make the search, to shoot the man who was at the door, and not six feet away from me, with my pistol, close the door, and shoot the rest with the loaded guns. I could have [done] it easily with the assistance of Mr. Browns, as we had port holes to shoot out of- But fortunately for them and perhaps for myself and the others, they did not undertake the search.

     Betsie has gone to work making flannel shirts for one of the merchants of this place at 37 1/2 cents apiece. She can make two a day.

     I have heard since I commenced writing that letters go by way of Leavensworth from here, so I am in hope you will get this.

     I would write to Warley if I was certain he would get it, but as I guess by my letters, the last two that I have written to him did not come out in the Flag, he did not get them . . . . Tell Mother not to be uneasy about me. I feel quite safe here and there will be such an influx of Missourians and other Southerners here in a few days that Lane can not hold them a dodge.

Your Affectionate Brother,


Lecompton, K. T., Sept. 12,1856
My dear Mother

     I must write you a few lines to let you know how I am getting along, though I have but little hopes of your getting this as letters for some time past have been miscarried or stopped on the way but I will make the venture--

     I have been unwell ever since the 9th. of July. . . . I thought of going to work in a few days, when the Abolitionists broke out and I have had to stand guard of nights when I ought to have been in bed, took cold which . . . caused diarrhea, but . . . I feel quite well [now]. Betsie is well.

     You perceive from the heading of this that I am now in Lecompton, almost all of the Proslavery party between this place and Lawrence are here. We brought our families here, as we thought that we would be better able to defend ourselves when altogether than if we scattered over the country.

     Lane came against us last Friday (a week ago to-day). As it happened we had about 400 men with two cannon-we marched out to meet him, though we were under the impression at the time that we had 1,000 men. We came in gunshot of each other, but the regular soldiers came and interferred, but not before our party had shot some dozen guns, by which it is reported that five of the Abolitionists were killed or wounded. We had strict orders from our commanding officer (Gen'l Marshall [19]) not to fire until they made the attack, but some of our boys would not be restrained. I was a rifleman and one of the skirmishers, but did all that I could to restrain our men though I itched all over to shoot, myself. I drew a bead a dozen times on a big Yankee about 150 yards from me, but did not fire, as I knew if I did, the boys all around me would do the same, and we had orders not to fire until the word was given- We had 400 men and we learned after Lane had drawn off his men that he did not have more than 700; had we known it, the regulars would not have arrived soon enough to have kept us from fighting, but we were acting on the defensive, and did not think it prudent to commence the engagement. I firmly believe that we would have whipped them, though we would have lost a good many men. I did not see a pale face in our whole


army, every man seemed keen to fight. I for one, did not feel as nervous as I am when I go to shoot a beef or a turkey.

     I was in bed when the news came, and the confusion calling the men to arms awoke me. I sprang up, seized my gun, told Betsie to go with the rest of the ladies where they would be out of danger, and went to my post in line. I was so weak that I could scarcely walk, and after I took my position, I sat down waiting for the word to fire. I believe it helped me, for I have been improving ever since-but enough of this.

     Gov. Geary [20] arrived here night before last; he is a fine looking man, six feet two inches high, seems to be about forty years old. He issued his proclamation disbanding all armed bodies in the Ter. I hear that Lane and his men say that he has gone too far to back out now and will resist the U. S. troops. That is just what we want, as by that means we will get rid of all his last recruits at any rate. The Gov. also said in his Proclamation that the laws of the Ter. shall be enforced. I think he is all right-at least I hope so.

     But my dear Mother, I must close as the stage has come. You must not be uneasy about me, as I hope our difficulties here will soon end, and we will all get to our work soon- I am more uneasy about making money than I am about being killed by the Yankees, though the times looked pretty squally for the last three weeks.

     . . Betsie sends love to you and all the rest of the family. My love to you, my very dear Mother, Your Affectionate Son.

Douglas, K. T., Sept. the 24th., 1856.
My Dear Sister

     Your most acceptable letter came to hand last week, but I have not had the chance of answering it before. I have received two letters from you since I have written you one, but I have written to mother, which answers the same purpose, as when I write to one of the family, it is intended for the whole. You see by the heading of this letter that we have come back to Douglas. We moved the latter part of last week. Everything is so quiet now, to what it has been, that we thought we could risk here again. Gov. Geary is acting with a great deal of energy and promptness. He has over one hundred of the Abolitionists prisoners, which are to be tried soon. Genl. Lane is not to be found. It is rumored that he has gone North to Nebraska to meet 600 recruits, but I hear that he was seen in


Lawrence last Friday, so I don't know which is correct. I have written to Warley a sketch of the war, which I suppose he will publish so you can see it, and it is unnecessary for me to write it in this--. . .

     We have quite cold weather here now; yesterday morning and this morning pretty large frosts, and we had to sit by the fire all day. I am satisfied that a good deal of the crop will be cut short, if the weather does not moderate. Crops are generally late, on account of the disturbance last spring. But one consolation to the settlers of the Ter. [is that] Missouri has made fine crops this year, and I am in hopes provisions will be cheap. A great deal of the crops here have been destroyed by the marauding bands of Abolitionists, driving off the settlers, letting stock into their fields, &c. But they are paying for it now: Missouri has passed resolutions not to let them have any provisions from there, and I hear they are almost on a state of starvation in Lawrence now.

     I am anxious to get my health and strength again, that I may get to making money, for our funds are getting low, and winter is coming on . . . . I still have money enough to carry us on for a while yet, but, if I do have to call for help, I shall make a call on the [Darlington] district, as I think I am in the service of the South, and representing Darlington, though not the only one. But I would not be surprised if I were not the only representative of Old Darlington by spring. Of those who came out here first, only three are left, and one of them spoke of going back as soon as the present fuss was over, and I suppose he is on his way by this time-I mean Galloway. Dr. Byrd may stay, but I have my doubts, so I think that I deserve a little more than the rest who go back home. . .

     I am very much grieved to hear that the old black hen had sprained her toe! and of the other sad mishaps among the poultry. Tender them my condolence. Remember me to all my friends. Give my love and howdy to all of the Negroes; tell the little ones not to forget me. Tell Stin that when I arose this morning and saw the frost, I thought of him and fox-hunting. I am obliged to work here to pass off time, as there is nothing that I can get for amusement, and I have very few books to read. You must write soon and often to me, and give me all the news.

Your Affectionate Brother, Axalla.


Douglas, K. T., Oct. the 12th., 1856.
My Dear Sister

     This is my birthday, and I must celebrate it by writing you a short letter to let you know how I am on such a memorable occasion. Well, to do so, I shall have to go back a little. I commenced working at the carpenter's trade in Lecompton last Wednesday was a week ago, worked two days, [it] rained one, worked three more days, was taken sick-so I have been doing nothing ever since. I suppose I was too weak to undergo the fatigue: I had to get up at daylight, and walk three miles by 7 o'clock, work 11 hours, and walk back home, which generally took me till into the night. I feel quite well today, but to mend the matter, I have taken the rheumatism in my right arm, just below where it joins the shoulder-blade bone. I could scarcely move my arm yesterday, but it feels somewhat better today. If I am well enough, I will go back to work tomorrow; it will not do for me to be idle here. Betsie is making me some apple dumplings in honor of the day. Her health continues very good. She tells me to tell you that she has her quilt in the frame-but I am afraid it will stay in the frame some days yet, if some of the ladies don't help her!

     The weather has been quite pleasant for some weeks till Friday, when it rained and it has been cool and cloudy since. The frosts last month did not kill all the grass and other vegetation, though it killed a good deal. Betsie and I are getting along pretty comfortably, since we came back home again. I find it a pretty hard task to get wood and water for her.

Mr. Ellison's daughters, at least two of them, returned in the last stage from Missouri, where they went on the breaking out of the last fuss. Betsie and I were very glad to see them, as they are a great deal of company for her. They visit each other every day. One of them is a great favourite of mine, being an Oddfellow's widow, in addition to her good qualities.

     I will write to Warley tomorrow all the political news of the Ter., so I will not bother to write it in this to you, as you will see it in the Flag. I write home to one of you so often that I have little to write about myself. One of our neighbors has missed a Negro fellow and supposes he has been carried off by the Abolitionists. He thinks that they had to carry him off by force, as he does not think the Negro would go off willingly. They have tried to induce a good many to run away.

     I guess Stin has been foxhunting by this time. I think of it every cold spell we have. Tell him, if he would not write to me before,


he must write now and tell me of the chases-that will do me some good, just to hear of them.

     Now, my dear Sister, you must be sure to write to me soon and tell me all the news. I hope our dear Mother's health has improved since you wrote your last. Tell her, now that the horses are idle, to ride about. I am certain it will be an advantage to her. Give my love to [the immediate family]. . . Tell all the Negroes howdie.

Your Affectionate Brother, Axalla.

(To be Concluded in the May Quarterly)


1. Axalla John Hoole, the son of Elizabeth Stanley and James C. Hoole, himself a soldier in the War of 1812, was of English descent, his grandfather, Joseph, having emigrated from York, England, about 1780 or earlier, and settled at Georgetown, S. C. Axalla John, born at Darlington, S. C., October 12, 1822, was one of five sons. The eldest, Joseph Bertram, served in the Seminole War and the War Between the States; Samuel Eugene was a surgeon in the Mexican War; and Thomas Stanislaus served throughout the War Between the States.

Axalla John was educated at St. John's academy, Darlington, and after completing the academic course, taught school there for 12 years. When he was quite a small boy, the Nullification excitement was at its height in South Carolina, and the small boys of the community organized a military company, of which he was elected captain. At the age of 20 he joined the Darlington Riflemen, a local company of militia and, in 1854, was elected captain. He served in that capacity until March 20, 1858 (his wedding day), on which day he left with his bride for Kansas territory.

They arrived in the territory early in April, 1858. Taking a fairly active part in Kansas politics, Hoole was elected probate judge of Douglas county by the Proslavery party under the regime of Gov. Robert J. Walker. During the approximately two years that he remained in the territory, he kept up a rather lively correspondence with his family in South Carolina of which thirty-one letters are printed in this series.

Returning to Darlington, December 5, 1857, Hoole was immediately re-elected captain of the Darlington Riflemen. Upon the outbreak of hostilities at Fort Sumter, he assembled the men on the academy drill grounds, made a speech to them and called for volunteers. With the exception of one, every man in the organization stepped forward-and the company entrained at once for Charleston. Remaining there a short time, the Riflemen returned to Florence, S. C., where they were mustered in as Company A, Eighth South Carolina Volunteers, Col. E. B. C. Cash, commanding. The regiment left Florence for the Virginia front, June 2, 1861.

At the expiration of the period of enlistment, April, 1862, the regiment was reorganized, and Captain Boole was elected lieutenant-colonel. After serving in several major conflicts in Virginia, including the First Battle of Manassas, he was transferred with his company to Dalton, Ga., to join the forces of Gen. Braxton Bragg. He arrived there September 17, 1863, and was killed in the Battle of Chicamauga September 20. 1863. His body was returned to Darlington and buried in the family cemetery.-Cf. D. A. Dickert, Kershaw's B Brigade (Newberry, S. C., 1899), pp. 38ff., 284-285; Treasured Reminiscences of John K. Melver Chapter U. D. C. (Columbia, S. C., 1911), pp. 69-71, 74-75; W. A. Brunson, Glimpses of Old Darlington (Columbia, S. C., 1910), p. 7.

2. Thomas Stanislaus Hoole, b. June 29, 1824; d. January 18 1905. He served throughout the War Between the States as captain McIntosh's battery, Pee Dee (South Carolina) artillery. Referred to in these letters as "Stin."

3. Mrs. Elizabeth Stanley Hoole, wife of James C. Hoole, b. July 25, 1800; d. July 7, 1887. They were married August 6, 1818.

4. His wife, Elizabeth Brunson Hoole, b. April 15, 1832; d. February 2, 1925.

5. Edwin Voss Sumner (1797-1863), a native of Boston, Mass. For meritorious service in the U. S. army during the Civil War, he was brevetted major-general. Cf. Appleton's Cyclopedia of American Biography, v. V., p. 750.

6. Wilson Shannon (February 24 1802-August 30, 1877), second governor of the territory of Kansas, was born in Ohio. His term of office, which lasted almost a year, was filled with troubles, including the Wakarusa War. His removal from office took place August 16, 1856. He soon left the territory, for his life was in danger, but after the violence and danger to his life were over, he returned, and made his home in Lawrence, where he died. Cf. U. S. Biographical Dictionary, p. 79; Kansas Historical Collections, v. V., p. 231; Appleton, op. cit., v. V., p. 481.

7. Maj. F. F. Warley, editor of the Darlington Flag (of which there is no file extant), and major, First regiment, South Carolina Volunteer artillery. He took part in the battle of Battery Wagner, Charleston, S. C., was wounded, and was later in command of prisoner's stockade, Florence, S. C. Cf. Treasured Reminiscences, op cit., p. 78.

8. Elizabeth Euphrasia Hoole, b. May 20, 1820; in. J. Q. A. Dabbs, April 2, 1882; d. 1919.

9. Probably John Buford (1825-1803), a native of Kentucky, and half-brother of Maj.Gen. Napoleon Bonaparte Buford, U. S A. He was engaged in the Sioux expedition in 1855, and was transferred to Kansas, where he served in 1850-1857. Cf. Appleton, op. cit., v. I, p. 443.

10. Col. B. F. Treadwell a South Carolinian (?), was very active in Southern interests in Kansas. He was appointed representative to canvass Alabama for money to aid the Southern cause. He is reported to have contributed $1000 cash. Cf. Elmer Leroy Craik, Southern Interests in Territorial Kansas," Kansas Historical Collections, v. XV, pp. 392, 431.

11. Mary Brunson, b. September 15, 1804 ; d. ?

12. 1 have been unable to identify the receiver of this letter.

13. Probably Ely Moore. See Footnote No. 27.

14. Charles Robinson (1818-1894), first governor of the state of Kansas. He was first elected under a Free-State constitution in 1656, but was arrested on a charge of treason, and indicted by the federal grand jury. After several months imprisonment, he was tried for usurpation, acquitted, and released. Two years later he was reelected by the FreeState party, and in 1861 became the first governor of the state.-Cf. New International Encyclopedia, v. XX, p. 50.

15. Henry T. Titus, spoken of as "Col. Titus of Florida," was commissioned colonel of the Second Regiment, Southern division, Kansas militia, August 6, 1856. It is said that he brought a delegation of armed Southerners with him from Florida and Georgia. Colonel Titus had taken an active part in the "sack of Lawrence," and had assisted in destroying the presses of the Herald of Freedom and of the Free-State, and throwing the type in the river. Early in the morning a party of Free-State men attacked Titus' house, fired 7 cannon balls made of lead melted from the type of the destroyed presses, dug from the sand in the river, and forced Titus to surrender. He had been wounded in the head and shoulder. After his capture he was supplied with comfortable quarters and a physician to attend him. The other prisoners were confined in the Herald of Freedom building. Titus died in 1881. Cf. Kansas Historical Society Collections, v. I-II, pp. 228-229; v. III, p. 323; v. VII, p. 529; v. X, p, 597; v. XII, p, 412; New York Times, August 17, 1856; Lexington (Mo.) Express, August 23, 185.

16. James Henry Lane (1814-1866), a native of New York, emigrated to the Kansas territory in April, 1855, and soon attempted to organize the Democratic party there. Failing in this, he joined the Free-State movement, and advocated a broad and constructive program for organizing the anti-slavery factions in the territory. He was a member of the first Free-State convention at Lawrence. After the Topeka convention was held and the constitution ratified by the Free-State men, Lane was elected U. S. Senator, but was not admitted to a seat in the senate. Leaving Washington he set out to tour the Northwest to lay the cause of Kansas before the people and, as the Missouri river was closed to Northern emigrants, he opened a new route via Iowa and Nebraska. Through this channel "Lane's Army of the North" invaded Kansas, attacking Proslavery strongholds.-Cf. Dictionary American Biography, v. X, pp. 576-578; W. E. Connelley, Kansas and Kansans, p, 1284.

17. Daniel Woodson (1824-1894), secretary of Kansas territory, 1854-1857 was a native of Albemarle county, Virginia. He was appointed secretary at the age of 30 by President Pierce. Woodson's education, his prejudices and his political principles led him to take a position with the National Democratic party, and he was faithful to the policy of the Proslavery party in Kansas. At four different tines during his term as secretary, Woodson was called upon to act as governor. In 1857 he was appointed receiver of public moneys for the Delaware land district, a position which he held until the election of Lincoln.-Cf. Kansas Historical Collections, v, V, p, 157, v, XIII, p. 410; U. S. Biographical Dictionary, Kansas, p. 222.

18. George W. Clarke was a notorious Proslavery leader in the border warfare days. Before coming to Kansas he had been in the U. S. navy. In 1855-1858 he served as Pottawatomie Indian agent, with a residence near Lecompton; 1857-1858 he was register in U. S. land office at Fort Scott. In the fall of 1858 he was the leader of 400 Missourians in their raid on Linn county-Cf. Kansas Historical Collections, v. III, p, 306, v. XVI; Hamersly, Complete Army & Navy Register of the United States of America, p. 150; D. W. Wilder, Annals of Kansas (Topeka, 1875), p. 243.

19. Gen. Francis J, Marshall (1816-1895), a native of Virginia, moved to Kansas territory in 1849. In 1855 he was elected brigadier general of Kansas militia by the territorial legislature. When Lane threatened Lecompton Marshall assumed command of opposing forces; and it is a fact that he forcibly prevented one of his subordinate officers from opening fire on Lane's troops. In 1857 Marshall was elected governor of Kansas under the Lecompton constitution, but after its rejection he retired to private life. In 1859 he moved to Colorado, and became engaged in mining-Cf. Franklin G. Adams, "Kansas State Historical Society Scrap-book," v. VIII, pp. 239-241.

20. John White Geary (1819-1873), a native of Pennsylvania, arrived in Kansas as governor Sept. 9, 1856, found the territory in a state of civil war, and in three weeks' time quelled the disturbances. Later his life was threatened, and on March 4, 1857, he resigned and returned to Washington to report to President Buchanan.-Cf. Dictionary American Biography, v. VII, pp. 203-204; Kansas Historical Collections, v. IV, p. 373; v. VII, p. 375.

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